UC-NRLF 


$B   LIS    STS 

HEODOR   FONTANE 

AS  A   CRITIC   OF   THE   DRAMA 


BY 

BERTHA   E.   TREBEIN 


I  Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements  for 

THE  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  in  the  Faculty 

OF  Philosophy,  Columbla  University 


j|5etD  Sotli 

COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1915 


EXCHANGE 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY   GERMANIC  STUDIES 


THEODOR  FONTANE  AS  A  CRITIC 
OF  THE  DRAMA 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
SALES  AGENTS 

New  York: 
LEMCKE  &  BUECHNER 
30-32  West  27th  Street 

London: 

HUMPHREY  MILFORD 

Amen  Corner,  E.G. 


THEODOR   FONTANE 

AS  A   CRITIC   OF   THE   DRAMA 


BY 

BERTHA  E.   TREBEIN 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements  for 

THE  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  in  the  Faculty 

OF  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


i|5eto  90tk 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY   PRESS 
191S 


Copyright,  19 16 
By  Columbia  University  Press 


Printed  from  type,  May,  igi6 


TO  THE  MEMORY  OF 
MY  FATHER 


336061 


Approved  for  publiccUion,  on  behalf  of  the  Department  of 
Germanic  Languages  and  Literatures  of  Columbia  University, 

Calvin  Thomas 

New  York,  June,  1915 


PREFACE 

The  following  study  of  Theodor  Fontane's  criticism  of  the 
drama  is  the  outgrowth  of  interest  in  that  author's  English  period 
awakened  by  a  suggestion  of  Professor  Camillo  von  Klenze  of 
Brown  University.  It  is  a  pleasure  to  me  to  acknowledge  here 
my  indebtedness  to  Professor  von  Klenze  for  thus  introducing  me 
indirectly  to  a  phase  of  Fontane's  activity,  less  widely  known  than 
some  others,  that  shows  the  "consistent  realist,"  the  "path- 
finder," as  the  late  Richard  M.  Meyer  terms  him,^  in  process  of 
growth. 

The  privileges  of  examining  unpublished  material  and  of  using 
the  excerpts  from  it  which  appear  below  I  owe  primarily  to  Mr. 
Friedrich  Fontane  of  Berlin-Grunewald,  but  my  thanks  are  due 
also  in  this  connection  to  Dr.  Paul  Schlenther  of  Friedenau. 

I  wish  to  express  my  appreciation  further  to  my  colleague, 
Professor  Mary  E.  Markley  for  reading  my  manuscript  and  for 
helpful  suggestions  concerning  it;  to  Professor  F.  W.  Heuser  of 
Columbia  University  and  to  Dr.  Dorothy  Brewster  of  the  Exten- 
sion Department  for  careful  assistance  in  proofreading;  to  the 
librarians  of  Cornell,  Harvard,  Yale,  and  Columbia  Universities 
and  of  the  Royal  Library  in  Berlin,  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Deutsches  Haus,  Columbia  University,  to  Dr.  W.  Paszkowski, 
Mrs.  Paul  Fesca  and  Miss  Rose  Paucksch  of  Berlin,  and  to  my 
colleague.  Professor  Lucile  Alexander,  for  other  courtesies  that 
furthered  my  work.  I  do  not  forget  my  indebtedness  to  the 
late  Dr.  Rudolf  Tombo,  Jr. 

My  deepest  obligation  is,  however,  to  Professor  Calvin  Thomas 
and  Professor  Wm.  Addison  Hervey,  of  Columbia  University.  To 
them  I  am  indebted  for  the  inspiration  that  comes  from  unfailing 
scholarly  guidance,  for  generous  and  kindly  interest,  and  for  prompt 
and  valuable  advice  throughout  the  various  stages  of  my  work. 

Agnes  Scott  College, 
October,  19 15. 

^  Richard  M.  Meyer,  Die  deutsche  Literatur  des  neunzehnten  Jahrhunderts, 
(3.  umgearbeitete  Aufl.,  Berlin,  1906),  549. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

INTRODUCTION  (WITH  BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH)   .      .     .     .  xiii 
I.   CONDITIONS  ATTENDING   FONTANE'S   CRITICISM  OF 

THE  DRAMA i 

1.  His  Interest  as  London  Correspondent  in  Shakespere  on 

the  London  Stage 5 

2.  Disadvantages  of  the  Position  of  Critic  of  the  Royal  Stage 

of  Berlin ii 

The  Reasons  for  Fontane's  Interest  in  Dramatic  Criticism      .  17 

II.  FONTANE'S  CONCEPTION  OF  CRITICISM 36 

1.  As  Revealed  in  his  Criticism  of  Others 40 

2.  As  Revealed  in  his  Criticism  of  Himself 49 

HI.    FONTANE'S  PRACTICAL  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  THE  ELE- 
VATION OF  THE  STAGE 55 

1.  To  the  Public 56 

2.  To  the  Playwright 58 

3.  To  the  Director 72 

4.  To  the  Actor 90 

IV.  FONTANE'S  DRAMATIC  THEORY 103 

1.  Realism  in  Comedy  and  Farce 105 

2.  The  Artistic  Use  of  Situation 109 

3.  Dramatic  Economy 114 

4.  The  Nature  of  Humor 115 

5.  The  Relation  of  Guilt  to  Character  in  Tragedy  .      .      .      .  118 

6.  The  Problem-Play 121 

a.  The  Dramatized  Fairy-Tale 122 

b.  The  Social  Problem  Play 123 

c.  The  Problem  in  Historical  Drama 128 

7.  Dramatic  Instinct 130 

a.  As  Shown  in  the  Use  of  the  Poetic  Element  .      .      .      .  131 

b.  As  Shown  in  External  Form 132 

c.  As  Shown  in  Tone 133 

,  d.   As  Shown  in  Language 134 

e.   As  Shown  in  Reliance  upon  "  Retroactive  Power  "    .      .  138 

8.  The  Classic:  Its  Advantages  and  Its  Limitations    .      .      .  139 

9.  The  Realistic:  Its  Advantages  and  Its  Limitations       .      .  143 
10.  A  Plea  for  the  Romantic i47 

V.  CONCLUSION:    FINAL    ESTIMATE    OF    FONTANE  AS  A 

CRITIC  OF  THE  DRAMA 150 

1.  Advantages  and  Disadvantages  in  his  Method  and  Style    .  151 

2.  Tentative  Comparison  with  Lessing,  A.  W.  Schlegel  and 

Tieck 160 

APPENDIX 165 

BIBLIOGRAPHY i77 

INDEX .189 


ABBREVIATIONS   USED   IN  FOOTNOTES 

References  to  "  Gesammelte  Werke  von  Theodor  Fontane"  are  as  follows: 

"Werke" W 

Series  of  "Werke"  .      ,      ,     i  or  2 

Volume  in  Series      .      .      .     Roman  numeral 

Page  (not  introductory)     .     Arabic        " 

Page  (introductory)       .      .     Roman      " 
Unpublished  letters    .     .     .     L 

Diary D 

Vossische  Zeitung  .      .      .      .     V.  Z. 

Beilage B 

"  Die  Londoner  Theater "      .     L.  T.  (used  in  Chap.  III). 


INTRODUCTION 

Any  study  of  Theodor  Fontane's  development  as  critic 
must  at  this  time  be  based  necessarily  upon  more  or  less 
incomplete  data.  His  notebooks  are  a  sealed  volume,  like- 
wise a  number  of  articles,  not  included  in  the  published 
"Nachlass"  ("Gesammelte  Werke  von  Theodor  Fontane," 
2  Serie,  IX,  Berlin,  1908),  which  were  incomplete  or  which 
Fontane  had  for  some  other  reason  withheld  from  print. 
The  letters  to  acquaintances  and  friends  that  have  been  given 
to  the  public  appear  with  the  introductory  statement  that 
this  material  —  as  far  as  collected  —  would  fill  many  volumes 
besides,^  and  although  the  editors  aimed  to  choose  for  publi- 
cation whatever  afforded  valuable  new  glimpses  into  the  life, 
work,  and  varied  interests  of  Fontane,  it  may  be  inferred  with 
comparative  certainty  from  the  spontaneous  bits  of  individu- 
alistic criticism  in  the  letters  selected  that  the  unpublished 
correspondence  has  more  to  yield  in  this  line. 

It  is  not  safe  to  infer  that  the  dramatic  criticism  is  more 
complete  at  present  than  other  lines  of  the  critical  work. 
Certainly  no  last  word  can  yet  be  spoken.  The  inventory 
of  posthumous  material  contains,  in  addition  to  stating  the 
possibility  of  an  extant  translation  of  ''Hamlet,"  an  item  re- 
ferring to  criticisms  of  Ibsen,  Kielland,  Zola,  and  another  con- 
cerning personal  accounts  of  miscellaneous  reading  (the  latter 
supplemented,  however,  by  the  comment  that  much  of  this 
material  has  appeared  in  print).  The  records  of  the  Berlin 
literary  club,  "Der  Tunnel  iiber  der  Spree,"  which  in  1914 
were  in  the  initial  stages  of  preparation  for  publication  by 
Dr.  Fritz  Behrend  under  the  auspices  of  the  Royal  Library 
in  Berlin,  will  no  doubt  reveal  something  of  value  in  regard 

1  W,  2,  X,  XI;    cf.  X,  Vorwort,  I. 


XIV 

to  the  earlier  years.  Fontane  was  a  member  of  this  club 
1 844-1 865;  he  held  the  office  of  substitute  secretary  from 
July  to  October,  1846,  from  April,  1850,  to  February,  1852, 
and  was  regular  recording  secretary  from  September,  1852, 
to  May,  1854.^  The  only  information  that  I  received  from 
Dr.  Behrend  concerning  Fontane's  records  was  that  they  were 
regarded  by  some  of  the  Tunnel  members  as  rather  too 
strongly  colored  with  personal  conviction,  from  which  one 
may  infer  that  they  might  be  of  interest  in  their  bearing 
upon  the  early  period  of  his  development  as  a  critic. 

Yet  a  number  of  considerations  seem  to  justify  at  this 
time  a  study  of  Fontane's  criticism  of  the  drama.  That  part 
of  the  theater  criticism  published  in  book  form,  ''Kritische 
Causerien  iiber  Theater"  and  "Die  Londoner  Theater"  ("Ge- 
sammelte  Werke,"  2.  Serie,  VIII,  Berlin,  1904),  gives  only  a 
relative  idea  of  the  extent  of  his  contributions  in  this  line.  Dr. 
Schlenther,  the  editor  of  the  **  Causerien,"  states  that  his  collec- 
tion contains  only  about  one-third  of  the  whole  number  of 
reports  on  the  theater.  He  expresses  the  conviction  that  the 
reports  had  been  undervalued  by  the  public  at  large,  partly 
because  readers  of  the  criticisms  as  they  appeared  piecemeal  in 
the  daily  press  lost  the  element  which  rendered  each  report  but 
a  fraction  of  a  harmonious  whole  full  of  insight  into  life  and 
art.  He  makes  no  attempt,  however,  to  trace  a  connection 
between  these  so-called  ''Chats"  and  the  earlier  essay  on  the 
London  stage,  or  to  treat  the  development  of  Fontane's  ar- 
tistic convictions  in  the  ''Chats"  themselves  and  thus  define 
"das  geistige  Band"  of  which  he  speaks  as  the  unifying 
factor.^  His  desire  was  that  the  writer's  work  should  speak 
for  itself  in  the  main.  Therefore,  although  this  collection 
shows  much  of  Fontane's  ingenious  method,  its  incomplete- 
ness and  the  arrangement  of  the  reports  chronologically  with 
reference  to  authors  make  it,  in  spite  of  its  very  suggestive 

1  The  records  of  the  Tunnel  were  not  accessible  to  me;  the  above  data 
are  from  a  brief  printed  report  found  in  the  Royal  Library,  Berlin,  cata- 
log No.  Aa  2148,  (1914)  "Zur  Geschichte  des  literarischen  Sonntag-Vereins, 
'Tunnel  iiber  der  Spree'  in  Berlin,  182 7-1877";    cf.  p.  24. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  Vorwort,  V. 


XV 

introductory  appreciation,  primarily  a  reflector  of  Fontane's 
cleverness  and  versatility. 

The  title,  ''Critical  Chats,"  is  in  spite  of  appropriateness 
somewhat  misleading  as  to  the  value  of  the  content  of  these 
reports.  Fontane  was,  indeed,  so  brilliant  and  unusual  a 
causeur  both  in  actual  intercourse  and  in  his  books  that  this 
phase  of  his  work  has  with  justice  been  the  occasion  of  much 
comment.  All  his  readers  find  in  it  a  quality  of  style,  rare 
at  best,  especially  rare  in  German  literature.  Those  who  did 
not  know  him  personally  prize  it  as  an  avenue  of  approach  to 
closer  contact  with  a  gifted  and  lovable  personality.  To 
those  who  came  into  immediate  relationship  with  him,  his 
frank  but  courteous  good-fellowship,  his  true  humanity  — 
based  on  insight  and  free  from  sentimentality  —  his  inex- 
haustible store  of  anecdote,  his  humor,  his  esprit  made  his 
whole  work  seem  at  best  but  a  partial  expression  of  the  man. 
The  desire  of  those  who  write  about  him  to  keep  his  indi- 
viduality fresh  and  vital  is  unquestionable  evidence  of  what 
personal  contact  with  him  must  have  meant.  The  spice  of 
personality  is  perhaps  nowhere  more  prominent  in  his  work 
than  in  his  critical  reports.  He  himself  laid  stress  upon  this 
element  in  criticism,^  but  to  consider  this  the  dominant 
factor  in  its  value  is  to  underestimate  its  deeper  worth. 

Fontane  called  himself  on  one  occasion  at  least  a  causeur^ 
and  regarded  this  faculty  with  some  satisfaction  as  a  part  of 
his  heritage  from  French  ancestry.  He  added,  however,  on 
this  occasion  —  he  was  speaking  here  of  the  conversational 
style  in  his  narratives  —  that  he  was  above  all  an  artist  and 
realized  as  an  artist  that  brilliant  conversation  is  not  every- 
where in  place.  The  same  relativity  of  stylistic  values  is 
found  in  his  criticism.  The  style  and  method  are  secondary 
in  that  they  are  determined  by  the  character  of  the  play  in 
hand.  The  chatty  style  frequently  gives  way,  accordingly, 
to  a  tone  of  deep  seriousness.  Yet  the  brilliance  of  the 
causeur  seems  to  have  thrown  into  lingering  shadow  the  often 

1  The  discussion  in  Chapter  II  shows  the  importance  which  Fontane 
attached  to  this  element  in  criticism. 

2  W,  2,  VII  (Berlin,  1904),  22. 


XVI 

less  obtrusive  worth  of  the  critic's  point  of  view.  Fontane 
has  an  established  reputation  as  ballad-writer,  as  "Wanderer," 
as  historian,  as  narrator,  as  letter-writer.  His  criticism  has 
been  overlooked  except  as  it  has  been  revealed  in  something  of 
its  unity  in  the  ''Causerien."  ^  Some  wit  of  Fontane's  own 
day  interpreted  his  signature  ''Th.  F."  as  an  abbreviation  for 
^^  Theater  Fremdling.^'  Whether  the  term  really  established 
itself  in  his  lifetime  or  not,  such  he  has  to  some  extent 
remained. 

The  present  study  rests  upon  the  conviction  that  the  con- 
tent of  Fontane's  criticism  is  worthy  of  more  detailed  con- 
sideration than  it  has  received.  It  has  been  my  purpose 
first  to  inquire  into  his  attitude  toward  the  drama  and  to- 
ward criticism  in  general;  then,  following  as  far  as  possible 
the  chronological  development  of  his  convictions  on  esthetic 

1  Fontane's  poems  (including  ballads)  reached  the  isth  edition 
(Cotta)  1910,  and  selected  ballads  were  brought  out  separately  (Cotta) 
1907.  Volume  I  ("Grafschaft  Ruppin")  of  "  Wanderungen  durch  die 
Mark  Brandenburg"  had  its  13th  edition  (Cotta)  1909;  vol.  2  ("Oder- 
land"),  loth  ed.  (Cotta)  1907;  vol.  3  ("Havelland"),  12th  ed;  (Cotta) 
1910;  vol.  4  ("Spreeland"),  loth  ed.  (Cotta)  1910.  "Kriegsgefangen," 
brought  out  as  a  volume  of  the  collected  works  (Fontane,  Berlin)  in 
1906  after  5  previous  editions  up  to  1900,  has  had  its  i8th-2oth  thou- 
sand, and  a  French  translation,  "Souvenirs  d'un  prisonnier  de  guerre 
allemand  en  1871,"  was  brought  out  in  Paris,  1892.  Of  the  narratives, 
"Irrungen,  Wirrungen"  had  its  7th  ed.  1901  (coll.  works,  Berlin); 
"Effi  Briest,"  its  26th  ed.  (coll.  works)  1909,  and  a  French  translation 
appeared  (Fontane,  Berlin)  1902;  "Der  Stechlin"  had  its  3d  ed.  1899,  the 
year  after  its  appearance,  its  19th  ed.  (coll.  works)  1909;  various  other 
volumes  have  had  various  editions:  " Unwiederbringlich "  and  "Grete 
Minde"  passed  the  6th  ed.  (Cotta)  in  1904  and  1908  respectively  and 
were  brought  out  among  the  coll.  works  in  191 2  and  191 1;  "Unwieder- 
bringlich"  appeared  in  Danish  translation  ("Grevinde  Volk"),  1894. 
The  family  letters  ("Briefe,"  i.  Sammlung,  Berlin,  1905)  had  their 
6th  complete  ed.  (Fontane,  Berlin),  191 1,  the  ist  vol.  reaching  the  nth 
ed.;  the  letters  to  friends  ("Briefe,"  2.  Sammlung),  the  ist-4th  ed. 
(Fontane,  Berlin),  1910.  The  "Causerien"  passed  through  3  editions 
in  1904,  the  year  of  their  appearance,  and  were  brought  out  among  the 
coll.  works  in  1908;  they  did  not  contribute  to  the  growing  fame  of  the 
author  during  his  lifetime  but  came  as  a  reminder  to  a  more  limited 
public  than  that  to  which  the  narratives,  poems,  and  books  of  reminis- 
cence appealed,  of  an  activity  relinquished  oflBicially  years  before. 


XVll 

questions  concerning  dramatic  art,  to  work  out  a  conception 
of  the  system  according  to  which  he  pronounced  the  judg- 
ment of  approval  or  disapproval;  to  give,  finally,  in  merely 
suggestive  lines  a  Comparative  evaluation  of  his  work  as 
critic.  The  study  makes  no  claim  to  include  close  investi- 
gation of  the  justice  of  the  criticism  of  individual  actors  in 
their  various  roles;  it  deals  with  histrionic  art  only  in  its 
bearings  upon  dramaturgic  principles.  Since  the  perform- 
ances at  the  Royal  Theater,  upon  which  Fontane's  regular 
press  reports  are  based,  were  in  German  —  exception  being 
made  only  for  visiting  actors  and  actresses  of  renown  from 
foreign  countries  —  titles  of  plays  are  as  a  rule  given  in  Ger- 
man in  his  criticisms.  Although  the  essay  on  the  London 
theaters  is  on  Shakspere  as  seen  in  England,  he  used  the 
titles  in  his  own  tongue,  since  he  wrote  for  a  public  that 
knew  Shakspere  in  German  translation.  His  reports  on  the 
French  players  were,  on  the  other  hand,  on  plays  given  in 
French  by  a  visiting  troop  in  Berlin;  these  titles  he  gave, 
naturally,  in  French.  For  the  sake  of  added  uniformity  I 
have  given  in  English  the  titles  of  all  except  German  and 
French  plays. 

Many  excerpts  from  Fontane's  criticism  have  been  neces- 
sary in  order  to  show  chronological  development  or  the 
invariableness  of  Fontane's  norms,  as  the  case  might  be,  yet 
the  treatment  of  individual  points  is,  of  necessity,  in  nearly 
every  case  suggestive  rather  than  complete.  The  illustra- 
tions referring  to  the  Vossische  Zeitung  (1870-1889)  as  a  source 
have  not  been  published  elsewhere  before;  occasionally  the 
excerpt  from  this  paper  overlaps  that  portion  of  the  same 
report  published  in  the  "Causerien"  and  such  cases  have  been 
noted.  It  has  been  my  privilege  to  read  copies  of  the  general 
diary  (as  yet  unpublished)  and  of  the  family  letters  not  included 
in  the  volumes  given  to  the  public,  and  a  few  miscellaneous 
unpublished  criticisms  in  the  original;  also  to  use  for  com- 
parison with  my  citations  copied  from  the  Vossische  Zeitung 
the  collection  made  by  Fontane  of  his  own  reports  and  re- 
views and  those  of  contemporaries  in  which  he  was  parti- 
cularly interested.     The   diary    record    is    incomplete,    made 


XVlll 

apparently  often  from  memory  for  periods  of  from  one 
week  to  a  month  or  more.  The  unpublished  family  letters, 
as  would  be  inferred  from  the  introduction  to  the  published 
volumes/  furnish  on  the  whole  additional  evidence  rather 
than  new  evidence.  There  are,  however,  occasional  bits  of 
value  bearing  in  some  way  upon  the  criticism  of  the  drama. 
Some  statements  concerning  conditions,  too,  supplement  those 
found  in  the  published  letters  and  thus  contribute,  in  the 
absence  of  a  biography,  to  a  more  complete  knowledge  of 
the  periods  of  Fontane's  life  devoted  in  part  to  criticism. 
The  excerpts  2  from  the  diary  and  the  unpublished  letters 
used  in  the  following  chapters  have  been  compared  with  the 
original  manuscript  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Friedrich  Fon- 
tane,  son  of  Theodor  Fontane,  have  been  approved  by 
him  and  by  Dr.  Paul  Schlenther,  both  members  of  the 
Theodor  Fontane  Nachlass-Kommission,  and  are  published 
with  their  permission. 

Except  for  some  changes  in  type  the  excerpts  follow  accu- 
rately the  sources  from  which  they  are  taken;  i.e.  the  Vossische 
Zeitung,  the  corrected  copies  of  the  manuscript  letters  and  of  the 
diary,  the  published  letters  as  found  in  "Gesammelte  Werke," 
respectively.  Roman  type  is  used  throughout  this  study,  and 
simple  italics  are  used  to  express  both  simple  italics  and  spaced 
t37pe  in  corresponding  lines  in  the  sources.  Inconsistencies  or 
peculiarities  in  spelling  have  been  retained;  e.g.  Ael teste  (F.  Z. 
Jan.  3,  1878,  B2;  cf.  below,  p.  73),  achte  {ibid),  Aechtheit 
(F.  Z.  Nov.  19,  1875,  Bi;  cf.  below,  p.  86)  but  AusserHchkeit 
(W,  2,  Vin,  563;  cf.  below,  p.  89);  Herman  Grimm  W,  2,  XI, 
388;  cf.  below,  p.  38)  but  Hermann  (report  on  "Die  Hermanns- 
schlacht,"  F.  Z.  Jan.  21,  1875,  B2);  Fores  (F.  Z.  Nov.  18,  1875, 
B3;  cf.  below,  p.  84)  but  Forres  ("Jenseit  des  Tweed,"  BerUn, 
i860.  Chap.  XVIII,  235  ff.);  Maasse  (F.  Z.  Mar.  8,  1882,  Bi). 

The  following  sketch  of  Fontane  is  added  here  to  provide, 
in  points  of  formative  influence  and  fact,  sufficient  general  back- 

»  W,  2,  VI,  Vorwort,  VII. 

2  Omissions  of  unimportant  or  irrelevant  phrases  are  indicated  in  all 
excerpts  used  by  a  series  of  dots. 


XiX 

ground  to  facilitate  a  clear  understanding  of  the  part  that 
dramatic  criticism  played  in  his  interests.  A  detailed  outline 
of  his  work,  as  far  as  it  can  be  determined  from  the  accessible 
sources,  is  given  in  the  Appendix. 

Henri  Theodore  Fontane  —  commonly  known  as  Theodor 
Fontane  —  was  the  eldest  of  five  children  of  Louis  Henri 
Fontane,  an  apothecary,  and  Emilie  Fontane,  born  Labry, 
daughter  of  a  silk-merchant.  Both  parents  were  of  French 
Protestant  descent.  Their  forebears  had  been  among  the 
refugees  to  Germany  after  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes;  colony  traditions  had  been  kept  fairly  intact  through 
the  fact  that  the  French  families  were  inclined  to  intermarry; 
as  a  result,  through  the  intervening  generations  rather  a 
marked  feeling  of  pride  in  their  French  descent  had  preserved 
itself  in  a  satisfying  sense  of  distinction  that  savored  of 
superiority. 

The  paternal  grandfather,  Pierre  Barthelemy  Fontane,  had 
been  successively  teacher  of  painting  and  drawing  to  the 
royal  princes  and  private  secretary  to  Queen  Louise  before 
the  disaster  of  Jena.  He  was  then  provided  for  modestly  as 
warden  at  Nieder-Schonhausen  and  eventually  found  him- 
self through  three  fortunate  marriages  a  comfortable  property- 
owner  in  Berlin.  On  the  maternal  side  there  was  an  uncle 
with  a  suspiciously  German  name  who  had  come  into  pos- 
session of  a  manorial  estate.  Other  facts,  as  far  as  they  could 
be  followed  on  German  soil,  offered  no  extraordinary  basis  for 
family  esteem;  the  paternal  great-grandfather  was  a  tinner, 
as  was  his  father  before  him;  the  great-grandfather  on  the 
mother's  side,  a  stocking-weaver.^  Fontane's  parents  took 
pleasure,  nevertheless,  in  vying  with  each  other  on  occasions 
in  claim  of  family  connection,  giving  imagination  free  play 
where    fact    failed,    as    Fontane    relates    with    characteristic 

^  Points  in  regard  to  the  ancestry  of  Theodor  Fontane  are  taken  from 
the  introductory  pages  of  his  **Meine  Kinderjahre,"  Autobiographischer 
Roman,  7.  Auflage  (Berlin,  191 1).  Other  references  to  this  work  will 
for  convenience  and  uniformity  be  to  vol.  II  of  "Gesammelte  Werke," 
2.  Serie,  in  which  the  introductory  pages  mentioned  do  not  occur.  The 
characterization  of  Fontane's  parents  depends  largely  upon  the  opening 
chapters  of  this  work,  to  which  no  special  references  are  made. 


XX 

chuckle  in  his  sketch  of  his  childhood.  Speculation  went  so 
far,  indeed,  that  Emilie  Labry  Fontane,  in  other  respects  a 
person  of  stern  common-sense,  was  convinced  in  her  own 
mind  of  connection  with  Cardinal  Fesch,  in  other  words  with 
"nicht  mehr  und  nicht  weniger  als  der  Onkel  Napoleons." 

The  parents  were  opposites  and  of  striking  individuality. 
The  eldest  son's  temperament  combined  fortunately  the  rarer 
qualities  of  both.  The  debt  that  Fontane  owed  to  their  per- 
sonality and  their  influence  he  acknowledges  most  clearly  in 
his  autobiography.  In  answer  to  the  self-imposed  question 
of  how  he  was  reared  (erzogen),  he  writes:  "not  at  all  and  — 
excellently.  .  .  .  What  the  parents  are,  how  they  affect  us  by 
the  very  fact  of  their  existence  (ihr  blosses  Dasein),  that  is  the 
determining  factor."^ 

The  father,  whom  Fontane  fondly  terms  "ein  Original,"  spent 
three  years  at  the  Gray  Cloister  Gymnasium  in  Berlin,  served 
as  apprentice  to  an  apothecary  there  from  1809  to  the  spring 
of  1 8 13,  then  at  the  age  of  not  full  seventeen  years  was  one  of 
the  first  volunteers  to  respond  —  rather,  as  he  said,  on  ac- 
count of  the  fascination  of  the  soldier's  life  than  from  excess- 
ive patriotism  —  to  the  proclamation  of  Frederick  William  III 
to  his  people.  From  1814  to  1818  he  completed  his  prepara- 
tion as  apothecary,  passed  the  state  examination  in  18 18,  mar- 
ried, and  the  following  year  bought  the  Lion  apothecary  shop 
in  New  Ruppin.  But  he  entered  practical  life  far  from  man- 
hood's estate  in  point  of  development, ^  —  a  ''fantastic  vision- 
ary," with  a  passion  for  newspaper  reading,  a  love  of  anecdote, 
and  a  keen  sense  of  humor,  which  —  among  other  qualities  — 
his  literary  son  inherited.  The  humdrum  life  and  the  people 
of  the  little  provincial  town  bored  him,  he  "gave  himself  over 
to  more  genteel  passions"  and  squandered  at  cards  in  the 
years  between  18 19  and  1826  a  small  fortune.  He  was 
always  more  or  less  a  ne'er-do-well,  but  at  the  same  time  in  a 
sense  favored  by  fate.  He  succeeded  in  selling  the  property 
in  New  Ruppin  in  1826  for  twice  what  he  had  paid  for  it, 

1  W,  2,  II,  168. 

*  Cf.  his  own  words  to  his  son  at  the  time  of  Fontane's  last  visit  to 
him  a  few  months  before  his  death,  W,  2,  II,  204  f. 


XXI 

settled  for  ten  years,  after  the  better  part  of  a  year  spent  in 
search  of  a  location  to  his  taste,  in  the  Pomeranian  coast 
town  of  Swinemiinde,  was  made  (as  early  as  1828)  a  member 
of  the  town  council,  the  sittings  of  which  he  never  at- 
tended, and  established  his  social  life  equally  soon  among  the 
best  families  of  the  place.  Several  rapid  changes  after  1837 
brought  the  family  to  Berlin.  Separation  from  his  wife  en- 
sued, and  the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  were  spent  in  soli- 
tude in  SchifiFmiihle  near  Freienwalde,  where  he  died  in  1867. 

Fontane  portrays  his  mother,  on  the  other  hand,  as  rather 
delicate,  sensitive,  resolute,  unselfish,  deeply  emotional  — 
except  in  matters  of  religion,  in  which  she  was  a  "child  of 
reason  "  —  of  distinct  social  dignity  and  charm,  but  practical, 
stern  of  principle,  often  matter-of-fact,  not  without  sar- 
casm, —  on  the  whole,  *'ganz  Character."  Her  happiest  years 
were  those  of  her  early  married  life  in  New  Ruppin,  to  which 
she  returned  with  her  daughter  Elise  after  her  separation,  sur- 
viving her  husband  by  little  more  than  two  years. 

Except  by  this  sister,  Fontane  asserts  that  he  was  never 
in  any  sense  dethroned  from  his  mother's  affection  by  the 
children  that  followed  him.  He  enjoyed,  however,  to  the  end 
a  relation  of  love  and  sympathetic  understanding  with  both 
parents.  He  says  in  the  story  of  his  life  that  in  much  which 
he  was  inclined  to  censure  at  the  time  of  occurrence  he  later 
felt  his  mother  to  be  wholly  right.  His  father  he  mentions 
with  deep  gratitude  for  material  help  freely  given  to  him  in 
the  early  years  in  England,  upon  which  rested  that  modest 
part  in  good  fortune  (des  bescheidenen  Gliickes)  that  life  had 
in  store  for  him;  he  writes  of  him  in  another  connection  "noch 
weit  iiber  seine  Bonhomie  hinaus  ging  seine  Humanitat."  ^ 

Theodor  Fontane  was  born  in  New  Ruppin,  December  30, 
1 81 9,  and  entered  school  there  at  the  age  of  seven.  But  his 
early  years  were  not  burdened  with  study.  He  was  placed  in 
the  City  School  in  Swinemiinde  in  1827,  but  only  for  a  short 
time,  since  his  mother,  who  had  remained  behind  the  family 
for  some  weeks  to  recover  from  a  threatened  nervous  break, 
decided  promptly  upon  her  arrival  in  the  new  place  of  resi- 
^  W,  2,  II,  170;  cf.  also,  46. 


XXll 

dence  that  he  would  receive  enough  harm  from  his  associates 
and  the  general  atmosphere  to  outweigh  any  possible  accre- 
tion in  knowledge.  There  were  then  no  private  teachers  to 
be  recommended  in  Swinemiinde  and  it  was  consequently  de- 
cided to  let  him  grow  up  naturally  (wild  aufwachsen).  He 
read  an  hour  daily  with  his  mother,  and  had  lessons  in  Latin 
and  French  vocabulary,  history,  and  geography  with  his 
father,  whose  "Socratic  method"  could  not,  from  Fontanels 
later  accounts,  have  overtaxed  the  boy.  It  seems  to  have  been 
the  attitude  of  both  parents,  although  Fontane  mentions 
only  his  mother  in  this  connection,  that  the  only  objection 
to  temporary  lack  of  actual  schooling  was  that  it  was  con- 
trary to  custom.  "Das  bisschen  Lernen,  das  war  jeden  Augen- 
blick  wieder  einzubringen."  ^ 

One  of  the  chief  families  in  the  town  soon  imported,  how- 
ever, a  certain  Dr.  Lau  as  tutor  for  their  son,  and  Fontane 
was  placed  with  Wilhelm  Krause  under  his  instruction.  The 
self-esteem  of  the  new  incumbent  was  due  to  two  facts:  that 
he  was  a  pupil  of  Schleiermacher  and  that  he  knew  "Der 
westostliche  Diwan"  by  heart.  He  possessed  also  peda- 
gogical tact,  and  Fontane  seems  to  have  remembered  him 
with  respect  and  something  of  affection.  Lau  was  succeeded 
in  the  autumn  of  1830  by  another  theological  student,  whose 
hold  upon  his  pupils  was  less  secure,  but  to  whom  Fontane 
acknowledges  a  debt  of  gratitude  for  the  fact  that  he  was 
required  under  this  tutelage  to  memorize  the  ballads  of 
Schiller,  irrespective  of  length  or  of  his  own  intelligent  under- 
standing of  them.  Christmas  of  1831  brought  him,  however, 
a  notable  beginning  in  hand-books  for  his  personal  posses- 
sion, —  as  family  portion,  so  to  speak,  for  with  them  came 
the  information  that  his  exodus  from  family  life  was  near  at 
hand  in  order  that  this  desultory  training  might  end.^ 

The  prospective  new  experience  was  eagerly  welcomed,  but 
Fontane  writes  of  his  childhood,  nevertheless,  that  it  was  "all 
poetry."  The  years  had  been  rich  in  that  preparation  for 
life  which  no  schooling  can  give.     The  novel  experiences  of 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  II,  148  f.,  155- 

2  Cf.  W,  2,  II,  156  f.,  167. 


XXlll 

the  harbor  town,  the  breath  of  romance  that  came  to  the  boy 
from  the  mysterious  mists,  the  storm-tossed  waves  and  the 
unexplored  distances  beyond  them,  certain  unique  associations 
with  his  father,  the  days  when  the  social  life  of  the  family 
reached  its  most  genteel  zenith,  all  fastened  themselves  upon 
his  memory,  spurred  his  fancy,  and  quickened  his  observa- 
tion. His  studies  of  human  nature  had  their  beginnings  here. 
The  charm  of  freedom  from  the  trammels  of  routine  had 
been  tasted.  Yet  the  realization  that  a  reasonable  degree  of 
system  and  stability  —  some  fixed  point  in  the  compass  —  is 
essential  to  a  balanced  life,  had  not  been  omitted. 

In  1832  Fontane  was  entered  at  the  Gymnasium  in  New 
Ruppin,  but  by  this  time  he  was  destined  for  the  apothecary's 
calling,  and  in  1833  he  was  transferred  to  a  technical  school  in 
Berlin,  which  differed  from  the  Gymnasium  in  that  it  offered 
more  science  with  a  smaller  requirement  in  languages.  In 
1836  he  began  apprenticeship  in  the  Rose  Apotheke  in  Berlin. 
He  did  not  find  preparation  for  his  proposed  vocation  wholly 
pleasant,  but  the  appearance  from  time  to  time  of  lyrics  and 
ballads  of  his  fabrication  in  the  Berliner  Figaro,  his  "Leib- 
und  Magenblatt,"  added  zest  to  life.  He  was,  moreover, 
released  from  a  quarter-year  of  the  customary  four  years  of 
service,  ended  the  abbreviated  period  no  less  fortunately  with 
an  examination  only  twenty  minutes  in  length,  and  felt  that 
he  had  launched  into  life,  indeed,  when  on  the  same  day  he 
found  spread  upon  some  pages  of  the  Figaro  the  opening  chap- 
ters of  his  first  narrative,  "Geschwisterliebe,''  followed  by 
the  significant  words  ''to  be  continued."  ^ 

The  greater  part  of  1840  he  remained  with  Mr.  Rose.  The 
Apotheke  was,  fortunately  for  him,  the  center  of  a  reading 
circle  for  modern  books.  His  duties  were  not  excessively 
strenuous,  and  he  writes  that  all  he  knew  of  Young  Ger- 
many he  learned  from  the  books  of  this  circle,  from  which  no 
one  but  himself  cared  to  benefit.  His  introduction  by  a 
friend  of  polytechnic  days  to  the  Lenau  Club  led  to  the  pur- 
chase of  a  volume  of  Lenau  that  accompanied  him  through 
life.    Through  a  Platen  Club  he  was  inspired  with  admiration 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  II,  224,  2^5,  160,  233. 


XXIV 

for  Platen,  and  when  after  these  temporary  associations  he 
left  Berlin  in  the  autumn  of  1840  for  Burg,  he  was  writing 
trochees  (which  in  later  life,  he  confesses,  he  did  not  dare  to 
read)  in  imitation  of  Anastasius  Griin.^ 

Two  months  of  typhoid  and  a  period  of  convalescence  at 
home  interrupted  his  new  literary  aspirations.  In  1841  he 
took  a  position  with  an  apothecary  in  Leipsic  and  a  year  of 
important  relationships  ensued.  Through  some  members  of 
a  Schiller  Club,  for  which  he  had  written  a  satirical  squib, 
"  Shakespeares  Strumpf,'*  he  was  introduced  into  a  Herwegh 
Club.  Here  began  his  acquaintance  with  Max  Miiller,  whom 
he  met  later  in  England,  and  his  warm  friendship  with  Wil- 
helm  Wolfsohn,  a  young  Jew,  even  at  that  time  an  authority 
on  Russian  literature,  later  editor  with  Robert  Prutz  of  Das 
deutsche  Museum  and  founder  of  the  Nordische  Revue. 

About  Easter,  1842,  illness  again  enforced  a  vacation  of 
some  weeks,  after  which  he  took  a  position  with  a  Dresden 
apothecary  for  a  year.  Returning  to  Leipsic  in  1843  he 
started  with  zeal  into  the  study  of  Greek  and  Latin,  thinking 
to  establish  himself  as  a  writer  there.  Instead,  for  reasons 
which  he  does  not  explain,  he  returned  home  to  Berlin  in  Oc- 
tober and  in  the  spring  of  1844  presented  himself  as  a  volun- 
teer for  military  service  in  the  Franz  Regiment.  Hardly  had 
he  done  so  when  he  applied  for  a  furlough  in  order  to  avail 
himself  of  an  unexpected  invitation  from  Hermann  Scherz, 
an  old  school  friend  of  New  Ruppin,  for  a  trip  of  two  weeks 
in  England.  Easter  of  1845  found  him,  nevertheless,  absolved 
of  the  duty  of  military  service  according  to  the  original 
plan,  and  Fontane  had  in  addition  gained  impressions  from 
the  brief  experience  in  England  which  were  to  determine  to 
some  extent  the  trend  of  the  coming  years.^ 

The  year  1844  had  been  of  vital  importance  to  Fontane  in 
another  way.  Through  Bernhard  von  Lepel,  a  friend  of 
some  years'  standing  and  an  officer  in  the  Franz  Regiment,  he 
had  become  a  member  of  ''Der  Tunnel  uber  der  Spree,"  a 
Sunday   afternoon   literary   club    which   flourished   in   Berlin 

*  Cf.  W,  2,  II,  245,  265,  302. 
2  Cf.  W,  2,  II,  345  ff.,  374,  3S3  f- 


XXV 

from  1827  to  1877.  The  Tunnel  was  originally  a  club  of 
dilettantes,  but  during  the  years  of  Fontane's  membership  it 
had  on  its  contributing  lists  a  number  of  men  who  have  since 
made  worthy  additions  to  art  or  to  letters.  Moritz  Graf 
Strachwitz,  Christian  Friedrich  Scherenberg,  Emanuel  Geibel, 
Theodor  Storm,  and  Paul  Heyse  were  among  the  more  promi- 
nent creative  writers.  Felix  Dahn,  Heinrich  Seidel  (humorist), 
Dr.  Werner  Hahn  (literary  historian),  Richard  Lucae  (archi- 
tect), Wilhelm  Wolff  (sculptor)  were  also  members.  Aside  from 
these  Fontane  there  learned  to  know  intimately:  Wilhelm  von 
Merckel,  always  thereafter  his  benefactor,  who  gave  him  that 
initial  connection  with  the  Literary  Bureau  of  the  Interior 
without  which  his  independent  start  in  letters  would  at  least 
have  been  delayed;  Dr.  Franz  Kugler,  art  historian,  with 
whom  he  later  edited  the  Argo;  Friedrich  Eggers,  editor  of 
the  Deutches  Kunstblatty  who  first  published  many  of  his 
letters  on  the  London  stage;  George  Hesekiel,  whose  con- 
nection with  the  Kreuzzeitung  was  to  be  advantageous  to 
him;  Adolf  Menzel,  one  of  the  leading  artists  of  the  century, 
whom  he  later  acknowledged  as  a  model  in  point  of  general 
artistic  tendency.  That  a  man  of  letters  in  the  making  found 
inspiration  in  this  atmosphere  goes  without  saying.  Fon- 
tane found  in  addition,  through  the  fact  that  his  work  met 
a  certain  degree  of  approval,  just  the  support  he  needed  at 
that  time,  the  confidence  of  men  with  a  basis  for  judgment. 
He  had  previously  attempted  chiefly  poems  of  freedom  in  the 
style  of  Herwegh,  who  from  Leipsic  days  had  been  his  pat- 
tern. An  independent,  individual  bent  had  not  revealed 
itself.  Through  its  commendation  of  his  ballads  the  Tunnel 
facilitated  a  decision  as  to  what  trend  his  work  should  at 
least  temporarily  take.  He  wrote  to  Storm  (1854)  the  un- 
usually frank  and  generous  admission  that  he  owed  it  to  the 
Tunnel  that  he  had  mounted  again  the  nag  (Gaul)  on  which 
he  belonged.^ 

Although   literary  interests  were   naturally  from  this  time 
constantly  more  and  more  engrossing.  Fontanels  purpose  to 

*  For  Fontane's  full  account  of  the  Tunnel  cf.   "Von  Zwanzig  bis 
Dreissig"  in  W,  2,  III;   for  the  letter  to  Storm,  W,  2,  X,  107. 


XXVI 

sustain  himself  as  an  apothecary  had  not  yet  been  relin- 
quished. In  1845  he  served  for  a  time  in  the  Polnische 
Apotheke,  where  he  found  a  friend  and  literary  sympathizer  in 
his  colleague,  Friedrich  Witte,  later  for  many  years  a  member 
of  the  Reichstag.  He  passed  his  pharmaceutical  examination 
in  the  summer  of  1846,  entered  the  Jung  Apotheke  in  1847, 
and  from  June,  1848,  to  October,  1849,  was  engaged  at 
Bethanien  Hospital  in  preparing  nurses  for  the  professional 
examination  in  several  required  subjects.  He  had  written 
a  number  of  Prussian  historical  ballads,  or  as  he  terms  them, 
"poetische  Dichtungen  im  Volksliedton,"  ^  well  received  in 
the  Tunnel,  and  a  ballad-cycle,  "Von  der  schonen  Rosa- 
munde,"  when  in  1848  Percy's  "Reliques  of  Ancient  Poetry" 
and  Scott's  "Minstrelsy  of  the  Scottish  Border"  fell  into 
his  hands,  and  his  own  ballad  impulse  was  strengthened. 

The  decision  to  risk  an  independent  literary  career  came 
near  the  end  of  1849.  In  November  of  that  year  Wolfsohn 
persuaded  Moritz  Katz  in  Dessau  to  bring  out  the  Rosamond 
cycle.^  In  1850  the  Prussian  ballads  appeared  as  a  book, 
"Manner  und  Helden,"  the  first  edition  of  collected  poems 
was  arranged  for,  and  in  October  Fontane  married  Emilie 
Rouanet-Kummer,^  to  whom  he  had  been  betrothed  since 
1845.  He  writes  to  Paul  Schlenther  (1889)  in  regard  to  this 
first  edition  of  poems  that  he  received  for  it  sufficient  remun- 
eration in  advance  in  the  summer  of  1850  to  buy  a  wedding 
outfit  and  perhaps  also  to  pay  for  the  bridal  carriage.'* 

If  Fontane  entered  his  new  career  with  any  illusory  hope 
of  rewards  that  were  not  hard-won,  it  must  have  soon  been 
dispelled.  He  had  dedicated  a  poem  to  Count  Schwerin  in 
1849  ("An  den  Marzminister  Graf  Schwerin-Putzar ")  that 
was  never  acknowledged,  and  in  185 1,  hearing  that  the  king 
had  been  pleased  with  a  certain  ballad  (probably  "Der  Tag 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  ni,  204,  21. 

2  Cf.  "Theodor  Fontane's  Brief wechsel  mit  Wilhelm  Wolfsohn" 
(Berlin,  1910);    also  below,  p.  29. 

'  Cf.  W,  2,  III,  214  f.,  206.  —  As  the  name  Rouanet  indicates,  Fon- 
tane chose  his  wife  from  the  French  colony;  Kummer  was  the  name  of 
her  guardian  and  adopted  father. 

4  W,  2,  XI,  235. 


XXVll 

von  Hemmingstedt ") ,  he  made  a  petition  to  him  for  recog- 
nition, to  which  there  was  no  response.^  Nor  was  the  struggle 
to  be  temporary.  A  large  part  of  1852  he  spent  in  London  in 
the  vain  endeavor  to  establish  in  connection  with  the  Prus- 
sian ministerial  press  an  English  correspondence  that  would 
prove  lucrative.  On  his  return  his  main  purpose  seems  to 
have  been  to  make  a  mere  living,  since  in  addition  to  edi- 
torial work  and  contributions  to  various  journals  he  lectured 
and  gave  private  lessons  on  a  diversity  of  subjects.  The  fol- 
lowing year  he  was  threatened  with  a  severe  break  in  health; 
but  in  1854  his  various  activities  were  resumed  and  he  added 
to  his  publications  a  collection  of  London  letters,  "Ein  Som- 
mer  in  London,"  the  fruit  of  the  English  experience  of  two 
years  before.  An  opportunity  for  prolonged  residence  in 
England  came  in  the  autumn  of  1855  as  a  relief.  In  August, 
1858,  von  Lepel  joined  him  for  a  trip  through  Scotland,  which 
resulted  within  a  year  in  the  volume,  ''Jenseit  des  Tweed," ^ 
eventually  also  in  the  ''Brandenburg  Travels,"  for  the  silent 
appeal  of  the  Scottish  Lakes  to  his  deep-seated  love  for  the 
Mark  aroused  the  impulse  to  reveal  in  sketches  and  song 
the  unrealized  beauty  of  the  land  of  his  birth  and  the  intrinsic 
individual  worth  of  its  makers.  In  1859  the  resignation  of 
Manteuffel  caused  a  somewhat  summary  return  to  Berlin; 
the  time  of  his  contract  was  only  half  over,^  and  he  found 
himself  under  shadow  of  the  suspicion  that  rested  upon  all 
who  had  had  even  minor  connection  with  the  ministry. 

His  period  of  foreign  residence  had  been  long  enough,  how- 
ever, to  convince  him  that  in  spite  of  his  early  enthusiasm  for 
England,  more  particularly  for  London,  he  would  not  wish 
to  leave  Germany  permanently.  From  this  time  on  he  left 
Berlin  only  for  brief  trips  and  vacation  outings,  and  so  closely 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  X:  198  (letter  to  Friedrich  Eggers);  33  (letter  to  Friedrich 
Witte). 

2  This  book  is  published  under  the  title  "Jenseit  des  Tweed"  and  is 
so  referred  to  W,  2,  X,  204,  footnote;  it  is  entered  in  the  Register  to  W, 
2,  XI,  (496)  as  "Jenseits  des  Tweed"  and  is  so  referred  to  W,  2,  VI,  98, 
footnote. 

^  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  152;  W,  2,  III,  139  f.;  the  whole  English  period  is 
treated  more  fully  below,  p.  5  £f. 


XXVlll 

is  much  of  his  work  connected  with  the  life  of  the  Prussian 
capital,  that  he  has  come  to  be  considered  the  chief  literary 
mirror  of  Berlin  society  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

In  June,  i860,  George  Hesekiel,  the  friend  mentioned  above, 
in  charge  of  the  French  correspondence  of  the  Kreuzzeitung, 
was  instrumental  in  securing  for  him  the  English  correspon- 
dence of  the  same  paper,  and  he  entered  upon  a  position, 
which,  although  none  too  congenial  in  its  requirements,  made 
for  ten  years  slight  demands  upon  him  owing  to  a  lax  interest 
in  English  affairs  at  that  time,^  in  which  he  enjoyed  con- 
sequently more  leisure  for  his  own  pursuits  than  he  had 
ever  known.  The  years  resulted  in  his  accounts  of  the  wars 
of  1864  and  1866  —  after  some  time  spent  respectively  in 
Denmark  and  Bohemia  —  in  the  preliminary  drafts  of  his 
only  extensive  historical  novel,  in  the  collection  of  vast 
quantities  of  material  on  the  people  and  the  traditions  of 
Brandenburg  province,  and  in  numerous  feuilletons  in  different 
papers  entitled  ''Studies  of  the  Mark,"  later  to  be  collected 
in  the  volumes,  "  Wanderungen  durch  die  Mark  Brandenburg." 
The  diary  makes  a  bare  statement  of  the  fact  that  in  1867 
he  received  the  order  of  the  crown  (Kronenorden),  probably 
in  recognition  of  his  book  on  the  Danish  war.  But  honors 
that  were  not  substantial  meant  little  to  him.  The  with- 
drawal in  1868  of  the  yearly  allowance  of  three  hundred 
Taler  that  had  been  granted  to  him  by  the  Kultusminis- 
terium  left  a  lasting  sting,  which  a  gift  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty  Friedrichs  dr'o  by  order  of  the  king  in  1869  for  his  volume 
on  the  Austro-Prussian  war  ameliorated  but  did  not  remove.^ 

The  next  two  decades  of  Fontane's  life  (1870-1890^)  are 
those  in  which  dramatic  criticism  is  his  basis  for  fixed  re- 
muneration. The  first  brought  the  realization  of  a  cherished 
plan  in  trips  to  Italy  in  1874  and  1875,  on  one  of  which  his 
wife  accompanied  him.  It  was  darkened  to  some  extent  — 
and  more  than  temporarily  —  by  an  attempted  secretaryship 

1  W,  2,  III,  145;    cf.  also  below,  p.  18  f. 

2  Cf.  W,  2,  X,  296  (1872,  letter  to  Mathilde  v.  Rohr);  the  gift  mentioned 
was  made  in  two  parts,  1869-70  (cf.  below,  p.  12,  excerpt  from  D). 


XXIX 

at  the  Royal  Academy  of  Arts  in  1876;  the  unpleasantness 
of  extricating  himself  from  this  wholly  uncongenial  position 
was  followed  by  a  severe  strain,  due  to  his  resignation,  in  the 
sympathetic  although  not  always  unruffled  relation  to  his 
wife,  at  other  times  in  every  sense  the  sharer  in  his  interests 
and  plans,  a  faithful  and  unselfish  comrade,  copyist,  and  help- 
mate.^ Depression  and  irritation  from  these  causes  are 
counterbalanced  in  part,  however,  by  joy  and  satisfaction, 
which  letters  both  to  his  wife  and  to  friends  reveal,  in  the 
development  of  the  children,^  now  growing  to  maturity.  His 
son  Theodor,  who  developed  distinct  literary  gifts  and  even 
considered  letters  as  a  profession,  passed  with  credit  in  1875 
the  examination  for  university  matriculation  from  the  French 
Gymnasium  in  Berlin,  on  which  occasion  Fontane  wrote  him 
as  follows:^ 

''^Ich  glaube  nicht  nur,  dass  Du  der  erste  ^primus  omnium^  in  der 
Familie  bist,  ich  bin  dessen  gewiss.  Nach  meiner  nun  durch  vier 
Generationen  gehenden  Kenntnis  zahlt  es  zu  den  fragwurdigen  Vor- 
ziigen  unsres  Geschlechts,  dass  nie  ein  Fontane  das  Abiturientenexamen 
gemacht,  geschweige  vorher  die  Stella  eines  primus  omnium  bekleidet 
hat.  Der  Durchschnitts-Fontane  (wohin  von  Mutters  Seite  auch 
Deine  Vettern  gerechnet  werden  konnen)  ist  immer  aus  Oberquarta 
abgegangen  und  hat  sich  dann  weiter-geschwindelt,  das  beste  Teil 
seiner  Bildung  aus  Journalen  dritten  Ranges  zusammenlesend.  Ich 
war  schon  eine  Ausnahme,  ein  abnormer  Zustand,  der  nun  durch  Dich 
seinen  Abschluss  gefunden  hat." 

In  1878  the  diary  notes  that  "Theo"  is  preparing  for  the 
Referendar  examination  and  in   1878  and   1880  that  Martha 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  VI  and  X  (letters  of  1874,  1875,  1876). 

2  Of  the  seven  children,  three  died  in  early  childhood.  The  other  four 
grew  to  maturity  and  three  survive  their  father:  the  eldest  son,  George, 
was  at  his  death  in  1887  military  instructor  in  the  Haupt-Kadetten-An- 
stalt  in  Lichterfelde,  near  Berlin;  Theodor  has  for  some  years  been  a 
councillor  in  the  Ministry  of  War;  Martha,  the  ''Mete"  of  the  letters 
and  the  devoted  companion  of  her  father's  later  years,  is  now  Fr.  Prof. 
Fritsch  of  Berlin;  Friedrich,  the  youngest  son,  is  the  well-known  pub- 
lisher of  Berlin-Grunewald  (Cf.  W,  2,  VI,  3,  33,  117,  notes;  X,  155, 
note). 

3  W,  2,  VI,  232;    cf.  also,  VII,  160  f. 


XXX 

(frequently  spoken  of  in  the  letters  to  his  wife  as  unusual  or 
gifted)  has  passed  the  teacher's  examinations. 

This  decade  was  one  of  varied  literary  products.  The  first 
part  of  it  was  devoted  almost  exclusively  to  the  books  on  the 
Franco-Prussian  war,  for  which  Fontane  entertained,  as  the 
diary  shows,  hope  of  a  Gnade  not  in  the  form  of  title  or 
order,  but  in  vain.^  The  period  brought  also  the  accounts 
of  his  personal  experiences  in  collecting  material  for  the  war- 
books  and  great  additions  to  the  ''Brandenburg  Travels." 
But  it  is  the  work  in  historic  narrative  that  gives  distinctive 
character  to  this  decade:  ''Vor  dem  Sturm,"  a  valuable  his- 
torical contribution  to  the  understanding  of  the  years  1812- 
13,  came  to  completion  and  proved  the  author's  creative 
power  in  animating  the  past,  if  not  his  feeling  for  the  essen- 
tials of  compact  narrative  form;  the  Novelle,  ''Grete  Minde," 
based  on  an  old  chronicle  of  Tangermiinde,  shows  mastery  of 
form  with  even  greater  plastic,  imaginative  and  poetic  power 
than  was  revealed  in  ''Vor  dem  Sturm";  ''Schach  von  Wuthe- 
now,"  less  masterful,  but  a  faithful  mirror  of  the  elements  of 
degeneration  in  the  Prussian  army  before  the  battle  of  Jena, 
the  only  other  completed  work  in  which  Fontane  attempted 
an  accurate  suggestive  picture  of  the  past,  was  planned  in  this 
period  although  not  finished  until  1882. 

In  the  decade  1 880-1 890  many  preconceived  plans  —  among 
them  the  ''Brandenburg  Travels"  —  were  completed.  Fon- 
tane refused  in  1882  Friedrich  Bruckmann's  request  to  write 
a  Hfe  of  Emperor  William  I.^  Interest  in  the  ballad  asserted 
itself  strongly  in  1889,^  but  the  period  is  marked  particularly 
by  an  entirely  new  departure,  the  realistic  novel  of  Berlin 
society.  This  genre  was  helped  to  maturity,  as  it  seems  from 
its  late  appearance,  by  the  prolonged  study  of  localities  and 
people  devoted  to  the  "Brandenburg  Travels,"  and  by  the 
conviction  repeatedly  expressed  in  the  dramatic  criticism  that 
art  needed  to  draw  closer  to  life.  "L'Adultera"  and  "Cecile" 
aroused  discussion  but  were  not  triumphantly  convincing. 
"Irrungen,    Wirrungen"    proved,    however,    to    the    younger 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  X,  380. 

2  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  64  f.,  195  f. 


XXXI 

generation  of  seekers  after  new  literary  form  and  method  that 
their  iconoclasm  should  not  be  universal,  that  the  lines  of 
their  search  led  out,  in  fact,  from  the  independent  artistic 
conception  of  this  mature  writer  in  their  midst  who  had  al- 
ready embodied  in  artistic  form  a  related  ideal.  "Stine" 
followed  in  this  style.  "Graf  Petofy"  (not  a  story  of. Berlin 
life),  begun  in  these  years,  carried  this  impulse  into  the  90's, 
where  some  of  its  best  products  lie. 

In  Fontane's  family  life  this  was  a  period  of  various  changes. 
His  two  older  sons  married,  his  first  grandchild  was  born,  and 
in  1887  his  eldest  son  died.^ 

The  years  following  1890  do  not  round  out  a  full  ten  in 
number,  but  their  fruition  is  such  as  the  previous  decade 
promised.  Many  honors  came  to  Fontane  at  last  after  long 
years  of  somewhat  sparing  recognition.  The  festive  celebra- 
tion of  his  seventieth  birthday  ushered  in  the  period,  bringing 
with  it,  because  of  his  dislike  of  ceremony,  more  of  unrest 
and  depression  than  of  satisfaction.  In  January,  1890,  the 
Vossische  Zeitung  settled  a  welcome  pension  upon  him  in 
appreciation  of  his  long  and  faithful  service  as  theater-critic. 
He  was  one  of  the  recipients  of  the  Schiller  prize  in  1891  in 
the  absence  of  dramatists  equally  worthy  of  recognition.  In 
1894  the  university  of  Berlin  conferred  an  honorary  doctorate 
upon  him.2  Various  new  editions  of  former  works  appeared, 
and  two  of  his  books  were  brought  out  in  translation.^ 
Nothing  seems  to  have  given  him  as  great  satisfaction,  how- 
ever, as  the  appreciation  which  Julius  Rodenberg  expressed  of 
the  honor  that  his  name  brought  to  the  Deutsche  Rundschau. 
In  addition  to  his  own  words  of  regard  Rodenberg  wrote  him 
that  Conrad  Ferdinand  Meyer  considered  ''Unwiederbring- 
lich"  the  best  novel  in  point  of  art  form  that  the  Rundschau 
had  ever  published  and  commended  it  further  for  delicate 
psychological  treatment,  life-likeness,  and  its  ever-present 
touch  of  poetry.     Fontane's  reply  was  that  he  had  waited 

1  cf.  w,  2,  vn,  134  f.,  136  f.,  141  f.,  154,  157  f. 

2  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  242,  262  f.,  332  (and  note). 

3  Cf.  above,  p.  xvi;  the  diary  notes  also  (1871)  in  regard  to  "Kriegs- 
gefangen":   "Macht  Gliick,  wird  unter  anderm  ins  Russische  iibersetzt." 


XXXll 

a  life-time,  or  at  any  rate  since  1876,  when  he  resigned  his 
position  at  the  Academy  of  Arts,  for  such  recognition,  "und 
es  wollte  nicht  kommen.  .  .  .  Nun,  im  Erfiillungsmoment 
*muss  wohl  ein  armer  Teufel  sterben.'"^ 

But  other  laurels  awaited  him.  This,  too,  was  a  period  of 
undiminished  productivity.  Different  phases  of  work  reached 
their  zenith:  the  realistic  novel  touched  with  romanticism, 
in  ''Effi  Briest";  the  satiric  narrative  of  the  Berlin  bourgeoisie, 
in  ''Frau  Jenny  Treibel";  the  ripe  character  study  set  against 
a  political  background,  in  the  last  narrative,  ''Der  Stechlin." 
Besides,  new  poems  and  ballads  appeared,  and  volumes  of 
autobiography  and  reminiscence  rounded  out  for  posterity  a 
life  of  constant,  keen,  but  sane  interest,  and  courageous  in- 
dustry. These  done,  Fontane  contemplated  a  return  to  the 
"gods  of  earlier  years,"  to  romance  and  studies  of  Branden- 
burg. He  wrote  with  enthusiasm  of  prospective  work  on  East- 
Frisian  material,  "Die  Likedeeler,"  that  he  had  picked  up  in 
the  course  of  a  summer  outing  ten  years  before;  again,  Sep- 
tember 17,  1898,  of  a  plan  to  treat  "Das  Landchen  Friesack 
und  die  Bredows,"  for  which  he  had  been  collecting  material 
since  1889.^  These  and  a  number  of  other  works  were  found 
in  his  desk  in  various  stages  of  completion  when  death  sur- 
prised him  three  days  later.  They  bear  evidence  that  in 
spite  of  his  seventy-nine  years  his  creative  faculty  was  as 
fresh  as  his  humor  and  his  sympathy  with  youth. 

1  W,  2,  XI,  259  f.;    cf.  also,  340  f. 

2  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  344  f.,  472  f.;    also,  499  (Register). 


THEODOR    FONTANE 

AS    A    CRITIC    OF    THE    DRAMA 

CHAPTER   I 

Conditions  Attending  Fontane's  Criticism 
OF  THE  Drama 

"Das  Leben  ist  nie  langweilig  und  in  seiner  kiinstlerischen  Darstellung 
am  wenigsten."     (Theodor  Fontane  —  June  21,  1878.)^ 

The  only  point  from  which  to  reach  a  just  estimate  of  any 
result  is  that  which  keeps  in  view  two  things:  the  purpose 
of  the  producer,  and  the  conditions  under  which  he  worked. 
These  fundamental  restrictions  have  perhaps  more  than  or- 
dinary bearing  upon  Theodor  Fontane's  dramatic  criticism. 
He  was  not  a  critic  who  wandered  at  will  in  the  highways 
and  by-ways  of  books.  The  impelling  force  of  earning  a 
comfortable  livelihood  for  himself  and  his  family  was  always 
behind  him.  Only  in  his  creative  work  —  the  poems,  bal- 
lads, novels,  and  prose  tales  —  did  he  enjoy  a  certain  freedom 
from  transmuting  into  material  maintenance  the  opportunity 
which  the  moment  offered;  and  that  degree  of  freedom, 
which  he  enjoyed  there,  he  earned  in  large  part  in  the  servi- 
tude of  occasional  criticism. 

The  business  of  making  literature  for  the  sake  of  daily 
bread  was  distasteful  to  him,  as  to  all  men  of  creative  bent. 
The  feverish  quest  of  news  was  not  his  idea  of  journalism.^ 

^  L  —  From  Berlin  to  his  wife. 

2  Dec.  5,  185s,  he  wrote  to  his  wife  (L)  from  London:  "Zum  Tell 
bleiben  wir  auch  mit  allerneuesien  Nachrichten,  die  uns  so  rasch  nicht 


But  the  new  announcements  in  the  publishers'  lists,  current 
events,  and  his  own  more  serious  literary  pursuits  always 
prescribed  his  reading  to  a  great  extent.  He  writes  to  Ma- 
thilde  von  Rohr  (Jan.  1869)  that  it  is  necessarily  confined 
to  the  work  he  has  in  hand.^  In  thanking  Wilhelm  Hertz 
(Dec.  1878)  for  Heyse's  translation  of  Giacomo  Leopardi  he 
writes  that  it  is  beautiful  without  and  within,  but  that  he 
leafed  it  through  with  pain,  not  on  Leopardi's  account,  but 
for  purely  egoistic  reasons,  since  in  the  treadmill  of  service 
and  daily  work  he  cannot  even  read  that  sort  of  book,  except 
in  summer,  when  for  a  few  weeks  he  turns  his  back  upon 
regular  pursuits.^ 

zuganglich  sind,  hinter  unseren  Rivalen  zuriick;  lauter  Umstande,  die 
Dr.  Metzels  Laune  eben  nicht  golden  machen.  —  Die  Sache  liegt  nam- 
lich  so.  Ich  bin  nie  und  nimmer  der  Meinung  gewesen,  dass  es  uns 
gliicken  wiirde,  hinsichtlich  neuester  Nachrichten  mit  unseren  Collegen 
concurriren  zu  konnen,  ja,  ich  habe  im  Oktober  eigens  erklart,  dass  das 
unmoglich  sei,  Ich  habe  die  Ansicht  gehabt,  dass  es  sich  um  die  Ver- 
fechtung  und  Vertretung  eines  Prinzips  handle,  und  dass  es  darauf  an- 
komme,  verniinftige,  wohl  iiberlegte  Dinge  zu  sagen,  aber  es  war  mir 
fremd,  dass  eine  Hetzjagd  in  Bezug  auf  Neuigkeiten  angestellt  werden 
soil." 

1  W,  2,  X,  258  f. 

2  W,  2,  X,  396.  —  Various  diary  entries  also  show  that  browsing  was 
a  luxury  to  Fontane.  From  1872,  for  example,  there  is  a  paragraph 
indicating  that  the  range  of  his  reading  had  previously  excluded  much, 
known  certainly  to  men  of  letters  and  to  many  casual  readers  as  well: 

"Meine  Lektiire  von  Neujahr  bis  Ende  Marz  war  Willibald  Alexis. 
Im  April  —  zur  Unterbrechung  meiner  Kriegsbuch- Arbeit  —  schrieb  ich 
einen  biographisch-kritischen  Aufsatz  iiber  W.  Alexis  fiir  Rodenbergs 
'Salon.'  Ende  Mai  reiste  Emilie  nach  Neuhof;  am  6.  Juli  ich  und  der 
ganze  Haushalt  nach  Krummhiibel.  Sehr  schone  Zeit.  Viel  gelesen: 
Heinrich  von  Kleists  sammtliche  Dramen  und  Erzahlungen,  Jean  Pauls 
Katzenbergers  Badereise,  Achim  von  Arnims  Essay  uber  Volkslieder  und 
die  Kronen wachter." 

From  1873  there  is  another  of  similar  character: 

"Im  Juli  auf  7  Wochen  nach  Gross  Tabartz  in  Thuringen.  ...  In 
Tabartz  viel  gelesen:  Tristram  Shandy,  Sentimental  Journey,  Schopen- 
hauer, Schiller- Goethe  Brief wechsel." 

From  1877  there  is  an  entry  indicating  that  even  vacation  reading  had 
a  definite  purpose  behind  it. 


3 

What  may  be  termed  Fontanels  real  activity  in  the  line  of 
dramatic  criticism  falls  into  two  periods  of  very  unequal 
length.  The  first  is  the  period  of  his  residence  in  London 
as  oflSicial  correspondent  ^  for  the  Preussische  Zeitung  and  Die 
Zeitj  organs  of  the  Prussian  Ministry,  and  belongs  to  the 
first  decade  of  his  independent  literary  life,  when  he  was 
known  —  and  by  no  means  widely  —  only  as  a  writer  of 
ballads  and  other  verse.^  "Die  Londoner  Theater,"  reports 
on  Shakspere  as  produced  on  the  London  stage,  were  origi- 
nally some  of  the  feuilletons^  on  English  conditions  contri- 
buted (1855-1859)  to  home  papers.  The  second  is  the  period 
of  reports  for  the  Vossische  Zeitung  on  the  Royal  Theater  of 
Berlin  and  covers,  with  but  two  short  breaks,  a  sweep  of 
almost  twenty  years  (1870-1889).  At  its  beginning  his 
"  Wanderungen "  and  the  books  on  the  Danish  war  (1864) 
and  the  Austro-Prussian  war  (1866)  had  already  added  to  the 
reputation  of  the  ballad-writer.  At  its  end  he  had  gained 
distinct  popularity  as  ''Brandenburg  Traveler,"  and  had 
added  to  his  literary  achievements  success  in  the  realistic 
novel.  He  did  not  yet  occupy  that  unique  position  which  he 
held  a  year  later  ^  as  the  sole  representative  of  his  own  literary 
generation  honored  by  the  young  iconoclast  stage  reformers, 
Holz,  Schlaf,    Gerhart   Hauptmann,   Otto   Brahm,   and   Paul 

"  Juni  und  Juli  war  ich  sehr  fleissig  und  beendigte  den  3.  Band  meines 
Romans,  war  nun  aber  so  herunter,  dass  ich  aus  Berlin  fortmusste.  Ich 
ging  in  den  Harz.  In  Thale  (auf  Partien,  die  totlich  langweilig  sind, 
verzichtete  ich)  machte  ich  die  Correctur  des  3.  Bandes  und  beschrankte 
mich  darauf,  um  5  Uhr  Nachmittage  in  den  'Waldkater'  zu  gehen  und 
hier  bei  Thee  und  Milch  und  wahrend  die  Bode  unmittelbar  in  meinem 
Riicken  brauste,  Walter  Scott  zu  lesen  und  zwar  den  'Alterthiimler.'" 

The  novel  referred  to  here  is  "Vor  dem  Sturm,"  which  appeared  in 
1878.  In  1866  he  said  that  he  had  had  the  material  in  mind  for  ten 
years,  and  spoke  of  dependence  on  Scott  in  a  general  way  in  his  work 
upon  it  (W,  2,  X,  246,  252;    cf.  also  Appendix,  creative  work,  1863). 

1  W,  2,  VI,  I. 

*  Cf.  Appendix,  previous  to  1855. 

'  W,  2,  VIII,  455. 

<  Erich  Schmidt,  "Theodor  Fontane.  Ein  Nachruf"  {Deutsche  Rund- 
schau, Nov.  1898,  270-283). 


Schlenther;  but  his  work  in  realistic  narrative  and  his  ap- 
preciative criticisms  of  Ibsen's  technic  had  prepared  the  way 
for  this  distinction. 

In  addition  to  the  criticism  in  fulfilment  of  definite  obliga- 
tions through  a  period  of  almost  two  score  years,  both  letters 
and  feuilletons  flowed  freely  ftom  his  pen.  The  most  lengthy 
discussions  of  drama  found  in  the  letters  are  with  reference 
to  the  Free  Stage,  but  many  other  bits  are  of  importance 
because  of  the  spontaneity  for  which  Fontane's  letters  stand. 
The  vast  number  of  scattered  feuilletons  come  into  considera- 
tion only  in  a  limited  way,  since  they  were  in  large  part  on 
subjects  not  connected  with  drama.  In  all,  the  dramatic 
criticism  represents  a  development  of  thirty-five  years,  begin- 
ning with  what  is  usually  considered  the  prime  of  life,  closing 
when  Fontane's  own  creative  power  had,  in  spite  of  his 
seventy  years,  not  yet  reached  its  zenith.  Because  of  this 
continuity  and  the  rare  phenomenon  of  his  late  development, 
there  is  no  other  single  line  of  his  work  and  interest  that 
affords  as  complete  a  basis  for  judging  his  general  growth 
in  esthetic  conviction  as  this. 

For  the  early  dramatic  criticism,  spasmodic  in  nature  a3 
compared  with  the  later  work,  a  clear  perspective  is  best 
secured  through  a  review  of  some  of  the  facts  of  Fontane's 
life  from  1850  to  i860.  He  married  in  October,  1850,  on  the 
prospect  of  a  position  in  the  Literary  Bureau  of  the  Ministry 
of  the  Interior.^  His  autobiographical  sketches,  which  reach 
only  to  this  point,  close,  however,  with  the  statement  that 

after  a  month  and  a  half  his  whole  ecomonic  basis,  the 
Literary  Bureau,  was  in  the  air,  and  he  again  upon  a  stormy 
sea." 

The  year  185 1  was  difficult.     He  writes  to  Friedrich  Witte:  ^ 

"Fest  entschlossen  bin  ich,  mich  nicht  zu  verkaufen  und  werde 
mich  weder  durch  Not  noch  durch  Tranen  davon  abbringen  lassen; 
schlimmstenfalls  muss  ich  sehen,  als  Abschreiber  oder  iiberhaupt  als 
HandsLiheiteT  main  Bret  zu  verdienen." 

^  W,  2,  III,  294,  299. 
2  W,  2,  X,  38  f. 


In  February,  1852,  shortly  before  leaving  to  try  his  for- 
tunes in  London,  he  wrote  to  Wolfsohn,  advising  him  against 
Berlin.^  Competition,  he  says,  is  incredible,  and  exceeded 
only  by  a  niggardliness  in  praise  and  recognition  that  de- 
prives one  of  the  spirit  necessary  for  existence. 

London  conditions,  too,  were  by  no  means  encouraging.^ 
He  had  been  sent  to  England  on  an  indefinite  arrangement, 
and  the  publications  he  represented  kept  him  unsettled  in 
regard  to  the  future.^  He  seems  to  have  received  no  fixed 
salary  for  his  work  in  the  beginning.  A  letter  of  July  20 
reveals  the  fact  that  through  a  successful  interview  on  the 
part  of  his  wife  with  Dr.  Quehl,  the  press  manager  in  Berlin, 
they  were  again  assured  of  the  40  Reichstaler,  on  the  pros- 
pect of  which  they  had  married.  Nevertheless  Fontane  ex- 
pressed very  decidedly  the  wish  to  remain  temporarily  in 
England,  and  considered  various  means  to  make  this  possible 
on  a  basis  independent  of  the  ministerial  press.  Bunsen, 
the  Prussian  ambassador  at  the  English  court,  attempted  to 
secure  a  professorship  for  him  at  Cambridge  or  Oxford.^    A 


*  "Theodor  Fontanes  Brief wechsel  mit  Wilhelm  Wolfsohn"  (Berlin 
1910),  92. 

2  Yet  the  exhilaration  lacking  in  Berlin  he  seems  to  have  found  at 
first  in  London.  He  wrote  to  his  wife  {L  —  dated,  2.  Pfingsttag;  the 
year  is  omitted,  but  the  letter  was  with  those  of  1852  and  agrees  with 
them  in  content):  "Man  sttirze  sich  in  diesen  Menschenstrudel,  der  sich 
London  nennt,  und  die  Seele  kehrt  frisch,  wie  aus  einem  Bade,  immer 
wieder  zu  ihrem  Tagewerk  zuruck."  —  Again  (d.  14.  Juni,  1854):  '' Ich 
hdtte  dir  London  gern  gezeigt;  denn  wiewohl  mir  nicht  allzuviel  hier  ge- 
gliickt  ist,  bleib'  ich  doch  nach  wie  vor  dabei:  es  ist  das  Grosste  was 
diese  Erde  hat." 

3  He  wrote  to  his  wife  (L  — July  12,  1852):  "Ich  dachte  mal  ein 
anerkennendes  oder  zustimmendes  Wort  liber  meine  Artikel  zu  horen, 
statt  dessen  steht  in  jedem  Brief e:  sie  sind  noch  nicht  gedruckt.  Auf 
der  anderen  Seite  kann  ich  mir  wieder  nicht  denken,  dass  man  sie 
absolut  unbedeutend  findet,  man  wurde  sonst  bereits  Anstalten  getroffen 
haben,  mich  von  hier  abzuberufen.  .  .  .  Im  Uebrigen  ist  mein  Geld 
total  consumirt,  da  ich  von  Mr.  Hudson  noch  nichts  erhalten  habe  und 
mich  weder  melden  kann  noch  mag.  .  .  .  Ich  hoffe,  dass  du  im  Stande 
bist,  mir  was  zu  schicken." 

*  W,  2,  VI,  12,  17-25. 


6 

school  position  was  also  hoped  for,*  and  as  a  last  resort  he 
considered  the  possibility  of  establishing  himself  on  a  secure 
basis  as  an  apothecary .^  But  all  these  plans  failed,  and  he 
finally  returned  home  in  November  to  take  up  his  earlier 
position  on  the  staff  of  the  Preussische  Zeitung,  supplement- 
ing this  activity  with  lessons  in  the  English  language  and 
courses  of  lectures  on  English  literature  and  his  experience 
and  impressions  in  England. 

In  September,  1855,  he  was  sent  back  to  London  to  es- 
tablish a  German-English  correspondence  for  the  promotion 
(Unterstlitzung)  of  Prussian  political  interests.  This  stay 
lasted  till  January,  1859,  broken  only  by  brief  visits  home  in 
the  fall  of  1856  and  the  spring  of  1857.^  The  first  year  and 
a  half  —  the  period  of  the  Shakspere  reports  —  was  again  a 
time  of  unrest,  of  strenuous  demands  and  anxious  uncer- 
tainty as  to  the  permanency  of  the  new  undertaking.'*  In 
January,  1857,  conditions  improved.  There  was  an  increase 
in  salary,  and  in  July  his  family  joined  him  for  the  remainder 

*  He  writes  to  his  wife  (Z,  —  August  23,  1852):  "Die  Sachen  stehen 
in  diesem  Augenblick  wieder  gut.  Es  ist  sehr  leicht  moglich,  dass  ich 
an  der  City  School  (eine  Art  Gymnasium)  deutscher  Lehrer  werde  mit 
wenigstens  5o£  jahrlich  Gehalt.  ...  Das  Eine  halte  fest,  wenn  auch 
wieder  mein  Hoffen  und  Harren  hier  umsonst  sein  sollte  —  das  Geld  ist 
nickt  weggeschmissen." 

a  W,  2,  VI,  27  f. 

«  W,  2,  VI,  36,  66,  90. 

*  He  writes  to  his  wife  (L  —  Dec.  5,  1855):  "Ich  habe  schon  manch- 
mal  in  meinem  Leben  gearbeitet,  aber  die  gegenwartige  BiiflFelei  iibertrifft 
alles.  .  .  .  Jetzt  gehoren  auch  die  Sonntage  der  Arbeit  (Redactions- 
Briefe,  Buchfiihrung,  Lektiire  der  Sonntagsblatter  etc.)  und  von  Besuch 
eines  Theaters  ist  gar  nicht  mehr  die  Rede.  Glaube  nicht,  dass  das 
dem  Geiste  Nahrung  gibt,  dass  man  irgend  etwas  dabei  lernt;  man  wird 
flinker,  kriegt  Routine,  das  ist  alles;  im  Uebrigen  wird  man  jeden  Tag 
mit  Gottes  und  der  Zeitungen  Hilfe  diimmer.  So  liegen  die  Sachen, 
nicht  eben  erbaulich.  Es  gabe  doch  ein  Zauberwort,  das  alles  doch  aus 
Grau  in  Rosa  zu  farben;  wenn  Meizel  schriebe:  *ich  bin  mit  Ihrer 
letzten  Wochenarbeit  zufrieden;  ich  soil  Ihnen  gleichzeitig  die  Aner- 
kennung  des  Ministerprasidenten  ausdriicken;  einzelne  Zeitungen  fangen 
an  regelmassig  Ihre  Correspondenz  zu  benutzen;  wir  sind  entschlossen 
es  ein  Jahr  lang  fortzusetzen;  schreiben  Sie  Ihrer  Familie,  dass  es  Zeit 
sei  zur  Uebersiedlung  etc'     Aber  solch  Brief  wird  nicht  eintreffen." 


of  his  stay.^     But  the  reports  on  the  London  theaters  took 
first  form  against  the  darker  background.^ 

The  mere  fact  that  Fontane  collected  and  rearranged  these 
reports  a  year  and  a  half  after  the  first  writing  shows  that  his 

1  W.  2,  VI,  76,  91. 

2  Again  letters  to  his  wife  bear  testimony  (These  excerpts  are  all 
from  Z,;  the  only  reference  to  the  Shakspere  reports  in  the  published 
letters  occurs  in  a  letter  to  Friedrich  Eggers,  August  31,  1857,  in  regard 
to  the  publication  of  an  article  on  Macbeth  —  W,  2,  X,  176  f.): 

Sept.  16,  1855:  .  .  .  "Mit  Muhe  rappelte  ich  mich  gegen  5  Uhr  heraus 
und  trottete  bis  weit  in  die  Oxford-Strasse  hinein,  wo  in  einer  Quer- 
gasse,  auf  einer  Biihne  2ten  oder  3ten  Ranges,  Shakespeares  Richard  III 
aufgefiihrt  wurde.  Es  war  die  letzte  Vorstellung,  und  wenn  ich  sie  nicht 
sah,  so  war  sie  mir  fiir  immer  verloren.  .  .  .  Ich  werde  nun  auf  einer 
3ten  und  wenn  ich  Gliick  habe  auf  einer  4ten  Vorstadt-Biihne,  Shake- 
spearesche  Stiicke  auffuhren  sehen  und  dann  3  oder  4  Briefe  iiber  diesen 
Gegenstand  an's  Kunstblatt  schicken." 

Feb.  13,  1857:  .  .  .  "Wenn  ich  dazu  komme,  diesem  Briefe  einen  Auf- 
satz  iiber  den  *  Sommernachtstraum '  beizulegen,  so  sei  so  freundlich, 
denselben  noch  am  selben  Tage  oder  spatestens  am  Dienstag  abzuschrei- 
ben.  .  .  .  Wenn  die  Kreuz-Zeitung  es  dann  nicht  druckt  oder  vielleicht 
es  kiirzt,  so  hab'  ich  dann  doch  Deine  Abschrift.  Ich  will  namlich  einen 
grossen  Aufsatz  iiber  die  Shakespeare-Auffiihrungen  in  London  schreiben, 
ahnlich  wie  iiber  die  Wochenblatter." 

Feb.  20,  1857:  ..  .  "Zunachst  bitte  ich  Dich  die  Aufsatze  herauszu- 
schicken,  die  ich  im  Herbst  55  fiir's  Kunstblatt  von  hier  aus  geschrieben 
habe  i)  iiber  Heinrich  VIII,  2)  Richard  III,  3)  Hamlet  und  4)  Sturm." 
Reference  is  to  the  Deutsches  Kunstblatt,  Zeitschrift  fiir  bildende  Kunst, 
Baukunst  und  Kunstwerke,  Organ  der  Kunstvereine  von  Deutschland.  It 
was  published  in  Berlin  as  a  Thursday  weekly,  and  edited  by  Friedrich 
Eggers,  a  friend  of  Fontane.  Fontane's  letters  on  the  London  theaters 
appeared  anonymously  in  the  supplement,  Literatur  Blatt,  under  the 
general  title  "Shakespere  auf  der  modernen  englischen  Biihne"  as 
follows : 

Nov.  I,  1855,  Erster  Brief  —  Heinrich  VIII  im  Prinzess-Theater. 
Nov.  15,  1855,  Zweiter  Brief  —  Richard  III  im  Soho-Theater. 
Nov.  29,  1855,  Dritter  Brief  —  Hamlet  im  Sadlers- Wells- Theater. 
Dec.  27,  1855,  Vierter  Brief  —  Der  Sturm  im  Sadlers- Wells-Theater. 
Oct.  2,  1856,  Fiinfter  Brief  —  Antonius  und  Cleopatra. 
Apr.  16,  1857,  Sechster  Brief  —  Die  beiden  Edelleute  von  Verona  —  im 
Sadlers- Wells  Theater.    Siebenter  Brief  —  Konig  Heinrich  IV  (Erster 
Teil). 
Apr.  30,  1857,  Achter  Brief  —  Die  lustigen  Weiber  von  Windsor;  —  Die 

Komodie  der  Irrungen. 
June  II,  1857,  Neunter  Brief  —  Coriolan. 


8 

interest  in  the  subject,  a  comparison  of  German  and  English 
methods  in  presenting  the  Shaksperean  plays,  continued. 
Yet  there  is  no  evidence  other  than  this  that  he  attached 
any  great  importance  to  this  work.  In  presenting  the  ma- 
terial to  the  public  a  second  time,  he  makes  no  claim  for 
it  and  that  of  the  companion  essays  except  its  treatment 
of  comparatively  new  themes.^  Comparison  with  the  book 
form  shows  that  the  letters  on  the  theater,  as  printed  in  the 
Literatur  Blatt,  had  in  some  places  been  greatly  abbreviated. 
The  content,  in  so  far  as  given  in  both,  is,  however,  largely 
identical,  and  the  point  of  departure  for  the  criticism  of  the 
individual  plays  is  never  changed.  The  chief  difference  lies 
in  the  fact  that  in  the  combined  essay  the  performances  are 
treated  —  for  the  sake  of  unity  —  under  the  subdivisions  of 
the  several  theaters,  as  the  main  title,  "Die  Londoner  The- 
ater," would  suggest.  Fontane  attributes  the  appearance  of 
the  new  volume  to  his  desire  to  rescue  his  honest  efforts  from 
the  oblivion  that  is  the  usual  fate  of  newspaper  articles; 
but  it  is  with  the  admission  that  there  is  always  involved  in 
the  revival  of  such  things  the  question  whether  form  and 
content  justify  giving  them  new  life  or  whether  the  decree 
must  be  to  let  the  dead  rest. 

His  attitude  toward  his  prose  work  in  general  was  in  the 
early  years  one  of  indifference.  In  1849,  when  he  decided 
at  all  costs  upon  a  literary  career,  he  took  his  stand,  in  spite 
of  discouragingly  small  receipts,  on  the  basis  of  verse  in  the 
main.2  He  argued  that  if  he  wrote  a  poem,  he  added  the 
poem  to  his  possessions  at  least,  that  a  poem  that  was  only 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  455.  This  introduction  was  written  for  the  volume, 
"Aus  England  (Studien  und  Briefe  iiber  Londoner  Theater,  Kunst  und 
Presse),"  which  appeared  in  i860.  It  included  in  addition  to  the  divi- 
sion on  the  London  stage,  a  lengthy  report  of  the  Manchester  Art  Ex- 
hibition, a  chapter  on  the  London  weeklies  and  one  on  the  dailies.  The 
section  on  art  gives  attention  to  Hogarth,  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds,  Gains- 
borough; the  historic  painters  with  emphasis  on  Benjamin  West;  the 
genre-painters,  especially  David  Wilkie  and  Landseer;  the  landscape 
artists,  with  emphasis  upon  Turner.  All  of  these  subjects  are  connected, 
therefore,  with  the  reference  to  new  themes. 

2  W,  2,  III,  291  f. 


9 


fair  was  worth  something,  whereas  an  essay  was  likely  never 
to  be  wanted;  but  at  the  bottom  of  his  reasoning  lay,  of 
course,  a  deep-seated  preference  for  verse.  He  had,  too,  the 
conviction  that  his  natural  gift  was  in  this  line,  although  he 
was  conscious  that  he  lacked  the  lyric  temperament  which 
makes  a  great  poet,^  As  late,  indeed,  as  1882,  he  wrote  to 
his  wife  of  the  comparative  value  of  his  early  prose  and 
verse :  ^ 

"Ich  sehe  jetzt  klar  ein,  dass  ich  eigentlich  erst  beim  yoer  Kriegs- 
buche  und  dann  bei  dem  Schreiben  meines  Romans  ein  Schrift- 
steller  geworden  bin;  d.  h.  ein  Mann,  der  sein  Metier  als  eine 
Kunst  betreibt,  als  eine  Kunst,  deren  Anforderungen  er  kennt.  .  .  . 
In  poetischen  Dingen  hab'  ich  die  Erkenntnis  30  Jahre  friiher  gehabt 
als  in  der  Prosa;  daher  lese  ich  meine  Gedichte  mit  Vergnugen  oder 
doch  ohne  Verlegenheit,  wahrend  meine  Prosa  aus  derselben  Zeit 
mich  bestandig  geniert  und  erroten  macht." 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  characteristic  of  Fontane  not  to 
underestimate  his  work.  One  of  the  chief  sustaining  forces 
in  his  struggle  in  the  literary  world  was  confidence  in  his 
ability.  He  writes  to  his  wife  from  London  concerning  the 
anxiety  he  notes  in  his  mother's  letters  in  regard  to  his 
future.^ 

"Die  gate  Alte  schreibt  mir  so  herzlich,  so  liebevoll,  so  opfer- 
bereit,  wie  immer;  dennoch  hat  ihre  stete  Hofifnungslosigkeit  nicht 
nur  was  Niederdriickendes  sondern  auch  was  Verletzendes.    Ich  bin 

^  W,  2,  X,  107  f.  He  wrote  to  Storm  (Feb.  14,  1854):  "Das  Lyrische 
ist  sicherlich  meine  schwachste  Seite,  besonders  dann,  wenn  ich  aus  mir 
selber  und  nithx.  aus  einer  von  mir  geschafiFenen  Person  heraus,  dies  und 
das  zu  sagen  versuche." 

W,  2,  VI,  81.  He  wrote  to  his  wife  (Jan.  8,  1857):  "Ich  bin  gewiss 
eine  dichterische  Natur,  mehr  als  tausend  andre,  die  sich  selber  anbeten, 
aber  ich  bin  keine  grosse  und  keine  reiche  Dichternatur.  Es  drippelt 
nur  so.  Der  einzelne  Tropfen  mag  ganz  gut  und  klar  sein;  aberes  ist 
und  bleibt  nur  ein  Tropfen,  kein  Strom,  auf  dem  die  Nationen  fahren 
und  hineinsehn  in  die  Tiefe  und  in  das  himmlische  Sonnenlicht,  das  sich 
drin  spiegelt." 

2  W,  2,  VII,  17  f. 

•  L  —  June  14,  1852. 


10 

nicht  in  der  Laune,  hier  auf  meinem  Stiibchen  den  Prahler  zu  spielen, 
und  fiihle  in  Demut,  dass  man  ohne  Gottes  Beistand  immer  verloren 
ist.  Aber  nach  menschlicher  Berechnung  liegt  kein  Grund  vor,  warum 
ich  zum  Verhungern  ausersehen  sein  soil.  Ich  weiss  wie  viel  mir 
fehlt,  aber  ich  weiss  auch,  dass  ich  in  der  langen  Reihe  derer,  die 
von  ihrer  Feder  und  ihren  Kenntnissen  leben,  lange  nicht  der 
diimmste  und  erbarmlichste  bin." 

There  is  evidence  also,  that  his  contributions  to  the  papers 
were  "ehrliche  Arbeit,"^  and  that  he  himself  held  them  supe- 
rior to  the  daily  mass  of  feuilletonistic  work.^ 

"Seit  dem  i2ten  hab'  ich  in  der  Tat  fiir  die  Vossin  nicht  mehr 
geschrieben.  Ich  argerte  mich  iiber  einige  dumme  Bemerkungen 
und  muss  noch  jetzt  sagen,  dass  ich  ein  Recht  dazu  hatte.  Ich 
kann  mich  nicht  mehr  wie  den  ersten  besten  kleinen  Kriiger  trak- 
tiren  lassen.  Ich  verlange,  dass  eine  Redaktion  den  Unterschied 
fuhlt  und  anerkennt,  der  zwischen  einem  Feuilleton  von  mir  und  den 
gewohnlichen  Machwerken  (einzelne  glanzende  Ausnahmen  gern  zuge- 
geben)  existiert  und  wenn  sie  das  nicht  kann  oder  will,  so  passen  wir 
nicht  zusammen." 

Moreover,  the  subject  involved  gave  the  work  value;  the 
opportunity  to  see  Shakspere  in  England  was  unusual  and 
constituted  no  small  factor  in  the  advantages  offered  by  the 
foreign  experience.  Although  Fontane  took  a  pharisaic  at- 
titude on  the  whole  toward  things  academic,  because  of  their 
deadening  influence  upon  personality,  yet  he  realized  that  his 
tools  were  none  too  well  whetted  for  the  vocation  he  had 
chosen.  His  best  training  had  been  as  an  apothecary.  He 
had  taken  his  place  behind  the  prescription  counter  early, 
and  entertained  afterward  a  plan  that  did  not  prove  feasible 
for  returning  to  the  school  desk.^     He  welcomed  the  stay  in 

1  Cf.  W.  2,  VI,  76  (1856);  Fontane  used  the  term  "ehrliche  Arbeit" 
in  his  introduction  to  "Die  Londoner  Theater"   (i860);  cf.  W,  2,  VIII, 

455- 

^  L  —  This  letter  is  not  dated,  but  is  with  those  to  Mrs.  Fontane  and 
follows  immediately  one  of  July  25,  1856.  The  published  letters  for 
this  month  and  year  throw  no  light  upon  the  opening  sentence  of  the 
excerpt. 

»  "Briefwechsel"  (Wolfsohn),  16  (1843). 


11 

England,  therefore,  as  a  life-apprenticeship,^  and  in  this  edu- 
cation, somewhat  novel  for  that  time,  it  is  the  performances 
of  Shakspere  that  caJl  forth  his  greatest  enthusiasm.  He 
writes:  ^ 

"Die  Shakespeare- Vorstellungen  interessieren  mich  lebhaft  und 
ich  habe  die  ganze  Woche  Briefe  iiber  die  Auffiihrungen  des  'Ham- 
let' und  des  'Sturm'  geschrieben.  Heute  Abend  sehe  ich  den 
'Othello'  in  einem  Vorstadttheater.  Noch  andere  Vorstellungen 
stehen  in  Aussicht.  Diese  Theaterabende  sind  das  beste,  was  ich 
bisjetzt  gehabt  habe." 

The  fact  that  he  planned  to  unite  all  the  reports  a  year 
and  a  half  later,  and  finally  brought  them  out  in  book  form 
the  year  after  he  returned  to  Berlin,  indicates  not  only  that 
his  interest  continued,  but  that  he  regarded  this  part  of  his 
work  as  one  of  the  most  valuable  fruits  of  the  English  period. 

Fontane's  regular  work  as  critic  began  ten  years  later, 
when  he  was  engaged  by  the  Vossiche  Zeitung  to  report  on 
the  Royal  Stage.  His  work  opened  with  an  account  of  "Wil- 
helm   Tell,"   given   on  August   17,    1870,   the   day  after  the 

1  He  wrote  to  his  wife  from  London  (Z,  —  June  14,  1852):  "Das 
Leben  hier  ist  grossartig,  anregend  und  lehrreich  im  hochsten  Maasse, 
ist  aber  zu  gleicher  Zeit  auch  ungemiitlich,  und  gelegentlich  sogar 
trostlos  und  niederdriickend.  .  .  .  Es  entbehrt  wahrer  Herzlichkeit 
und  Gemiitlichkeit,  die  am  Ende  fiir  einen  Deutschen  keine  Luxus- 
artikel  sind  —  aber  es  ware  ungerecht  solch  Leben  deshalb  ein  schlechtes 
und  trauriges  zu  nennen.  .  .  .  Es  wurde  trostlos  sein,  so  immer  leben  zu 
miissen,  aber  auf  Monate,  die  noch  dazu  eine  Schulzeit  sein  sollen,  ist  es 
am  Ende  auszuhalten,  wenn  man  nicht  eine  besonders  dicke  Sentimen- 
talitats-Ader  im  Leibe  hat.  Ich  bin  zu  Zeiten  sehr  traurig  gewesen,  aber 
nie  well  ich  mich  in  meiner  Isoliertheit  kreuz-ungliicklich  gefiihlt  hatte, 
sondern  immer  nur,  wenn  mich  die  Furcht  anwandelte:  *am  Ende  ist 
alles  vergeblich  gewesen  und  Du  kehrst  nach  Berlin  gerad'  so  zuriick  wie 
Du  weggegangen  bist  —  ein  Halbgelehrter  oder  noch  weniger.'  Die 
Furcht  mag  in  meinen  Briefen  mit  durchgeschimmert  und  dem  Ganzen 
das  Ansehen  gegeben  haben,  als  ging'  es  mir  schlecht;  die  Wahrheit  von 
der  Sache  war  aber  die:  ich  filhlte  mich  schlecht;  nicht  Aeusserliches 
fehlte  mir,  sondern  nur  Hoffnung  und  Mut  lagen  in  mir  danieder." 

2  To  his  wife  from  London  (L  —  Oct.  27,  1855). 


12 

triumph  of  the  Germans  at  Vionville.  The  one  all-consuming 
interest  —  the  war  —  dulled  enthusiasm  for  dramaturgy,  and 
only  weekly  reports  followed  up  to  the  middle  of  September.^ 
Fontane  had  in  the  meantime  been  commissioned  to  write 
a  book  on  the  war,  and  left  for  the  scene  of  action  Sep- 
tember 27,  only  to  be  arrested  as  a  spy  soon  after  by  the 
French.  He  was  released  late  in  November  to  find  that  his 
experience  had  gained  him  not  a  little  newspaper-fame,  and 
resumed  his  theater  reports  on  December  i4th.2 

*  According  to  a  statement  in  script  entered  by  Fontane  in  the  collec- 
tion made  by  him  of  his  criticisms  as  they  had  appeared  in  the  daily 
papers  —  (cf.  above,  p.  xvii). 

2  The  date  of  resuming  this  work  is  again  entered  by  him  by  hand  in 
his  folio-collection  of  his  criticisms.  Various  letters  referring  to  his  ex- 
perience in  France  are  found,  W,  2,  VI.  The  request  for  a  third  war- 
book  came  to  him  from  R.  v.  Decker  (W,  2,  VI,  174,  184),  printer  in 
ordinary  to  the  court.  Decker  had  published  the  earlier  war-books  of 
Fontane  also,  and  these  had  had  some  recognition  from  the  throne,  as 
the  following  entry  in  the  diary  under  the  general  heading  "1870" 
shows : 

"  Geh.  Rath  Hahn  eroberte  mir  eine  Unterstiitzung  seitens  des  Mini- 
sters des  Innern;  die  Voss.  Ztng.  engagierte  mich,  an  des  alten  Gubitz 
Stelle,  als  Referenten  iiber  die  Koniglichen  Schauspiele.  Anfang  Juli 
iiberreichte  Geh.  Kab.  Rath  v.  Wilmowski  S.  M.  dem  Konige  den  2. 
Halbband  meines  66er  Kriegsbuches,  wofiir  ich  abermals  ein  Geschenk 
von  50  Friedrichsd'or  erhielt.  Es  brachte  grosse  Freude  ins  Haus  und 
heiteren  Sinnes  reisten  wir,  die  Wohnung  zuschliessend,  am  12.  Juli 
von  hier  ab,  um  4  Wochen  in  Warnemiinde  zuzubringen.  Aber  schon 
am  15.  erfolgte  die  Kriegserklarung  Frankreichs.  Ein  ungeheurer  Larm 
brach  los,  dessen  Wellen  wir  selbst  in  dem  stillen  Warnemiinde  ver- 
spiirten." 

That  Fontane  did  not  wish  to  sever  his  connection  with  V.  Z.  through 
the  absence  necessitated  by  the  quest  of  material  for  his  new  book  is 
evident  from  a  stray  letter  found  among  the  unpublished  letters  to  the 
family.  It  is  uncertain  to  whom  this  was  addressed,  probably  —  in  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Friedrich  Fontane  —  to  Dr.  Herm.  Kletke,  editor-in- 
chief  of  V.  Z.    It  reads: 

"Besangon  d.  25.  Oktober,  1870. 

Hochgeehrter  Herr  Doctor. 

Sie  werden  moglicherwise  schon  wissen,  dass  ich  in  Domremy,  zu 
Fiissen  der  Jungfrau  von  Orleans,  verhaftet  worden  und  von  Ort  zu  Ort 
geschafft  worden  bin  bis  hierher.  Ich  hoflFe  hier  auf  Freiheit;  das 
Ziinglein  in  der  Wage  hat  lange  geschwankt  und  erst  seit  gestern  steht 


13 

The  only  other  break  of  any  considerable  length  in  his 
long  period  of  service  as  critical  reporter  occurred  five  years 
later,  when  through  the  kind  offices  of  personal  friends  in- 
terested in  art  he  was  made  first  secretary  of  the  Academy 
of  Arts  in  Berlin.  The  position  did  not  prove  to  his  taste 
and  he  resigned  it  after  a  few  months  to  resume  independent 
literary  pursuits  and  the  reports  on  the  theater.^ 

es  fest,  dass  ich  nach  Roche-sur-Yon,  einer  Stadt  von  etwa  9000  Ein- 
wohnern  in  der  Vendee,  geschaiBft  werden  soil." 

"Ich  habe  ein  Sentiment,  dass  der  Friede  ziemlich  nahe  ist  und  mochte 
deshalb  den  Wunsch  ausgesprochen  haben,  dass  mir  die  Berichterstat- 
tung  iiber  die  K.  Schauspiele  verbleibt;  es  wird  nicht  schwer  halten  einen 
Stellvertreter  zu  finden.  Dazu  kommt,  dass  das  Theater,  so  lange  der 
Krieg  daiiert,  nur  ein  untergeordnetes  Interesse  bietet.  Geht  dies  aber 
alles  nicht,  oder  hegen  Sie  die  Ansicht,  dass  der  Friede  noch  weit  sein 
kann,  so  werd'  ich  es  allerdings  nur  begreiflich  finden  konnen,  wenn  Sie 
sich  nach  einem  andern  Berichterstatter  umsehen." 

^  The  diary  entry  (under  1876)  concerning  this  position  at  the 
Academy  of  Arts  is  as  follows:  "Am  15.  Januar  fragte  mich  Zoellner, 
auf  einer  grossen  Reunion  bei  Heydens,  ob  ich  wohl  geneigt  sein  wiirde, 
an  Stelle  des  jiingst  verstorb.  Prof.  Gruppe,  die  Stelle  eines  ersten 
Sekretairs  der  Akademie  der  Kiinste  anzunehmen?  Ich  sagte  *ja.' 
Lucae  focht  darauf  die  Sache  durch,  und  am  6.  Marz,  nachdem 
ich  unmittelbar  vorher  meine  Bestallung  erhalten  hatte,  wurde  ich  in 
mein  neues  Amt  eingefiihrt.  Ich  fand  es  von  Anfang  an  miserabel, 
schleppte  mich  aber  bis  Ende  Mai  hin,  wo  mir  der  Geduldsfaden  riss. 
Ich  hatte  eine  Scene  im  Senat,  und  reichte  am  andern  Tage  meinen 
Abschied  ein.  Nach  langen,  langweiligen  und  kamp  fereichen  Wochen,  in 
denen  ich  die  Menschennatur  nicht  von  ihrer  glanzendsten  Seite  kennen 
lernte,  erhieU  ich  am  2.  August  meine  Entlassung,  die  schon  am  17.  Juli 
vom  Kaiser  bewilligt  war.  .  .  .  Am  i.  Nov.  fing  ich  an,  energisch  an 
meinem  Roman  zu  arbeiten,  nachdem  ich  am  i .  Okt.  wieder  als  Referent 
fiir  das  K.  Theater  bei  der  Vossin  eingetreten  war.  .  .  .  Eine  Reise 
machte  ich  in  diesem  Jahre  nicht,  weder  Zeit,  noch  Geld,  noch  Stimmung 
waren  dazu  vorhanden."  (For  further  reference  to  Zollner  and  Lucae, 
cf.  W,  2,  VI,  141,  142;  X  and  XL  The  novel  referred  to  here  is 
"Vor  dem   Sturm"  —  cf.   above,  p.  2,  n.  2.) 

In  addition  to  this  break  in  Fontane's  criticism  due  to  the  temporary 
secretaryship  at  the  Academy  of  Arts,  there  were  briefer  intermissions 
almost  yearly  due  to  variable  health.  Physical  limitations  had  to  be 
combated  throughout  his  whole  career.  As  early  as  1853  he  wrote  to 
Wolfsohn  that  a  cough  of  six  months'  persistence  had  ranked  him  as  a 
tubercular.     (" Brief wechsel, "  105).     In  1861  he  writes  of  a  long  period 


14 

The  letters  on  the  London  stage  have  at  least  this  advan- 
tage over  the  work  of  the  later  period  that  the  choice  of  sub- 
ject is  not  only  spontaneous,  but  based  solely  on  deep  interest 
in  the  master-poet  of  Avon.  The  list  of  plays  upon  which 
the  later  reports  are  made  shows/  on  the  contrary,  that  the 

of  ill  health  during  which  his  work  suffered  (W,  2,  VI,  116).  The  years 
1882  and  1883  were  particularly  unfruitful  because  of  illness  (W,  2, 
VII,  i).  Excerpts  from  the  diary  for  1870,  1873,  and  1877  are  re- 
spectively as  follows: 

"Bis  Mitte  Februar  verging  alles  leidlich,  dann  wurde  ich  krank, 
cine  bose,  endlose  Grippe,  eine  wahre  Geduldsprobe,  die  mich  iiber  10 
Wochen  lang  zu  jeder  Arbeit  unfahig  machte." 

"Die  Wintermonate  vergehen  wie  gewohnlich,  unter  Arbeit,  Gesell- 
schaftsmajonaise  und  Krankheit." 

"Am  13.  Jan.,  wieder  auf  einem  Heydenschen  Ball,  erkrankte  ich  und 
war  ein  paar  Wochen  lang  am  Arbeiten  gehindert.  Dann  hielt  ich  mich 
bis  Ende  Marz  und  beendigte  in  dieser  Zeit  den  2.  Band  meines  Romans. 
Nun  aber  kam  Krankheit;  ich  wurde  recht  elend  und  war  erst  Mitte 
Mai  wieder  leidlich  im  Gauge." 

^  The  following  averages  are  based  on  data  (1871-1889)  concerning 
the  Royal  Theater  of  Berlin  from  "  Statistischer  Riickblick  auf  die  Konig- 
lichen  Theater  zu  Berlin,  Hannover,  Cassel  und  Wiesbaden,  1867-1881, 
1882-1889"  (Berlin,  Druck  von  A.  W.  Hayns  Erben).  In  making  up  these 
averages  the  years  1870  and  1876  have  been  omitted  entirely,  since  they 
were  years  of  little  critical  activity  on  Fontane's  part.  The  greater 
number  of  inferior  playwrights  have  been  omitted  from  the  following  list 
altogether,  if  their  hold  upon  the  repertoire  of  the  Royal  Stage  was 
either  strictly  ephemeral,  spasmodic,  or  persistently  so  small  as  to  be 
practically  negligible. 

Average  no.  of  performances  yearly,  280-290,  not  including  opera. 

Average  no.  of  plays  presented  yearly,  82,  ranging  from  51-110. 

Bauernfeld,  Eduard  von,  2-14  performances  yearly,  15  yrs. 

Benedix,  Roderich,  average  of  20  performances  yearly  (4-10  plays), 
18  yrs.;   lowest  no.  (11),  1883;    highest  (50),  1871. 

Birch-Pfeiffer,  Charlotte,  i-io  performances  yearly,  18  yrs. 

Brachvogel,  Albert  E.,  average  of  5  performances  yearly,  16  yrs.; 
1874,  19;    "Narziss"  given  every  year  1878-1888. 

Byron,  "Manfred"  given  4  times,  1877. 

Calderon,  2-5  performances  yearly,  5  yrs.  (last  3  yrs.  consecutive). 

Erckmann-Chatrian,  "Die  Rantzau"  given  25  times,  1883,  and  3-6 
times  each  year  after,  except  1886. 

Freytag,  Gustav,  average  of  4  performances  yearly,  18  yrs.;   1886,  15. 

Geibel,  Emanuel,  2-6  performances  yearly,  1 883-1 888. 


15 

chaff  in  the  provender  offered  the  critic  could  tend  only  to 
choke  critical  zest.     A  greater  number  of  the  performances 

Gensichen,  Otto  F.,  average  of  6  performances  yearly,  14  yrs.;  1881,  23. 

Goethe,  236  performances  in  all:  average,  13  yearly,  18  yrs.;   1887,  20. 

Gottschall,  Rudolf  von,  3-7  performances  yearly,  5  yrs.  (between  1872 
and  1879). 

Grillparzer,  Franz,  average  of  3  performances  yearly,  10  yrs. 

Gutzkow,  Karl  F.,  2-8  performances  yearly,  12  yrs.;  "Uriel  Acosta," 
9  times  in  1879  and  from  2-4  times  almost  every  year  after. 

Hebbel,  Friedrich,  2  performances,  1874. 

Heyse,  Paul,  rare  up  to  1882;  after  that,  average  of  12  performances 
yearly,  ranging  6-32;    "Die  Weisheit  Salomos,"  21  times,  1888. 

Hillern,  Wilhelmine  von,  18  performances,  1882;  after  that,  2-10  yearly 
up  to  1889. 

Ibsen,  "The  Lady  from  the  Sea"  given  15  times,  1889. 

Mand,  August  W.,  average  of  5  performances  yearly  (ranging  i-ii), 
14  yrs. 

Kleist,  Heinrich  von,  average  of  5  performances  yearly,  17  yrs.; 
" Hermannsschlacht "  given  25  times,   1875. 

Kotzebue,  August  F.  von,  very  occasional. 

Laube,  Heinrich,  1-9  performances  yearly,  9  yrs.,  but  with  long  pauses 
when  nothing  was  given. 

Lessing,  average  of  9  performances  yearly  (ranging  6-14),  18  yrs. 

Lindau,  Paul,  average  of  13  performances  yearly,  16  yrs.;    1880,  47. 

Lindner,  Albert,  17  performances  in  all,  1883. 

Ludwig,  Otto,  2  performances  of  "Erbforster"  (i,  1881;    i,  1882). 

Moli^re,  34  performances  in  all,  spasmodically. 

Mosenthal,  Salomon  von,  1-4  performances  yearly,  8  yrs. 

Moser,  Gustav  von,  302  performances  in  all:  average  of  16  yearly, 
18  yrs.;  1872,  50. 

Putlitz,  Gustav  von,  187  performances  in  all,  ranging  5-37,  17  yrs. 

Schiller,  497  performances  in  all,  average  of  27  yearly,  18  yrs.; 
1887,  93. 

Scribe,  Eugene,  average  of  8  performances  yearly  (ranging  1-25),  16  yrs. 

Shakspere,  615  performances  in  all  (4-13  plays);  average  34  yearly, 
18  yrs.;  1874,  55- 

Spielhagen,  Friedrich,  1871,  6  performances;    1875,  10. 

Topfer,  Carl,  1-9  performances  yearly,  18  yrs. 

Turgenef,  "Natalie"  given  10  times,  1889. 

Voss,  Richard,  from  1884  average  1-9  performances  yearly. 

Wichert,  Ernst,  121  performances  in  all:    average  of  7  yearly,  15  yrs. 

Wilbrandt,  Adolf,  85  performances  in  all:  average  of  i-io  yearly,  15  yrs. 

Wildenbruch,  Ernst  von,  173  performances  in  all,  beginning  1882, 
ranging  7-57  yearly;  1889,  57. 


16 

of  the  Royal  Stage  were,  to  be  sure,  devoted  yearly  to  Shak- 
spere  than  to  any  other  dramatist.  Schiller  ranked  next. 
Goethe  showed  no  mean  proportion,  but  ranked  nevertheless 
below  von  Moser.  Kleist  and  Grillparzer  received  little  at- 
tention and  Hebbel  was  almost  tabooed.  Foreign  plays  — 
chiefly  translations  from  the  French  —  and  an  overwhelming 
mass  of  prosaic  or  trivial  third  or  fourth  rate  material,  taken 
in  part  from  the  evanescent  productions  of  the  day,  and  in 
part  —  when  this  source  failed — from  the  "harmless"  and 
dramatically  sterile  period  of  the  30's  and  40's,  filled  in  the 
repertoire.  Even  in  1889,  when  all  the  world  was  opening 
its  eyes  to  the  just  demand  for  new  life  in  drama  and  to  the 
compelling  innovations  of  the  modern  school,  established 
tradition  retained  its  grip  on  the  Royal  Stage.^  The  new 
plays  presented  were  of  the  old  type.  After  the  premiere  of 
"Brigitta"  Fontane  writes:  ^ 

"Am  Sonntag  die  'Gespenster'  auf  der  Freien  Bilhne,  am  Dienstag 
*Brigitta'  im  Koniglichen  Schauspielhause.  Die  'Gespenster'  frisch 
und  lebendig,  wie  nur  je  cine  lebendige  Brigitta;  'Brigitta'  so  tot, 
wie  nur  je  Gespenster  sein  konnen.  Fiir  die  Freie  Biihne  und  fiir 
die  realistische  Schule,  die  nach  Herrschaft  oder  doch  mindestens 
nach  Mitregierung  ringt,  kann  nichts  Besseres  passieren  als  die  Vor- 
fUhrung  solcher  R.  Vossschen  Stiicke." 

When  the  announcement  was  promising,  the  performance 
usually  left  much  to  be  desired.  The  note  of  regret  that 
most  of  the  actors  of  the  Royal  Stage  cannot  do  tragedy  and 
history  is  frequent.  There  are  repeated  references,  too,  in 
Fontane's  reports  to  mediocre  ideas  and  to  lack  of  interest 

^  Lack  of  progressive  spirit  showed  itself  also  in  various  ways  in  con- 
nection with  even  the  plays  accepted.  Otto  Brahm  writes  in  a  report 
on  Heyse's  "Colberg"  (7.  Z.  21.  Okt.,  1883,  No.  493)  that  the  author 
had  expressed  regret  to  him  in  a  private  letter  that  the  original  version 
of  this  play  containing  the  character  of  Heinrich  Marx,  "  the  snake-skin 
that  he  discarded  long  before,"  is  still  creeping  along  in  Berlin.  Brahm 
notes  that  a  recent  program  of  the  Royal  Stage  follows  finally  the  change 
made  by  Heyse  in  1873  (F.  Z.  28.  Sept.  1883,  No.  453).  Sacrificing  the 
original  love-episode,  he  transformed  Heinrich  Marx  into  the  brother  of 
Rose  Blank. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  298. 


17 

on  the  part  of  the  directors,  and  the  testimony  of  contempo- 
rary critics  supports  his  position.^ 

There  are  naturally  evidences  that  the  task  of  criticism  on 
the  basis  of  poor  repertoire  and  mediocre  presentation  was 
often  irksome.  After  Berndal's  masterly  impersonation  of 
the  Great  Elector  in  Kleist's  ''Prinz  Friedrich  von  Homburg" 
Fontane  writes  ^  that  the  burden  of  the  day  and  the  particular 
burden  of  the  evening  fell  away,  that  the  pure  atmosphere  of 
genuine  art  refreshed  the  tired  spirit  and  fanned  up  once 
more  old  hopes  of  golden  days.     In  1878,  he  writes: 

"Diese  Theater- Wirtschaft  muss  doch  endlich  ein  Ende  nehmen. 
Von  Sonnabend  bis  Sonnabend  4mal,  und  die  beiden  langen  Bilder- 
besprechungen,  das  ist  zuviel.    Da  muss  man  Pietsch  sein." ' 

Again  in  1883  (from  the  diary): 

"Es  war  bestimmt,  dass  ich  auch  das  Referat  iiber  das  'Deutsche 
Theater'  iibernehmen  soUe,  meine  Krankheit  machte  dies  aber  un- 
moglich  und  so  trat  College  Brahm  ftir  mich  ein.  Ich  bin  froh,  dass 
ich's  los  bin ;  es  ging  solch  Doppelreferat  iiber  meine  Kraf te.  Freitag 
den  2ten  Nov.  war  ich  nach  5  Monaten  zum  ersten  Male  wieder  im 
Theater  (Struensee)  und  empfing,  ein  paar  Scenen  abgerechnet,  den 
Eindruck  einer  grossen  Unnatur.  Unter  allerlei  Theater-Manieren 
eine  Rolle  herkommlich  'runterzuspielen  (genau  wie  ein  Leierkasten- 
stiick)  heisst  nicht  Schauspieler  sein.  Ich  bange  vor  dem,  was  kommt. 
Nur  Lustspiele  sind  ertraglich." 

The  question  then  arises:  What  made  this  branch  of  Fon- 
tane's  activity  tolerable  for  so  long  a  period?  The  reports 
were  written  to  meet  the  obligation  of  the  day,  without  any 
thought  on  his  part  —  so  far  as  is  known  —  of  preservation 
in  permanent  form.  The  collection  which  he  later  made  of 
them  was  made  to  satisfy  his  own  interest  and  for  reference.* 

1  Cf.  criticism  of  "Die  Jungfrau  von  Orleans"  by  Paul  Schlenther, 
V.  Z.  Feb.  5,  1887;  also,  Karl  Frenzel,  "Die  Zukunft  des  Schauspielhauses," 
Nationaheitung,  Dec.  13,  1888. 

2W,    2,    VIII,    327. 

^  L  —  To  his  wife,  Berlin,  June  4.  —  Fontane  wrote  also  many  reports 
on  art  exhibitions.  —  Ludwig  Pietsch  was  art  critic  for  V.  Z.  (cf.  W,  2, 
X,  333  f.). 

<  W,  2,  VIII,  Vorwort,  IV. 


18 

Throughout  the  whole  time  he  carried  in  mind  and  developed 
literary  plans  of  larger  import.^  He  had  passed  in  1870,  when 
the  work  began,  the  struggle  for  mere  existence  in  the  field 
of  letters.  Had  this  not  been  so,  it  is  not  likely  that  he 
would  have  endured  a  service  that  offered  only  material 
compensation  for  its  bonds. 

The  whole  argument  of  his  life  is  against  persistence  on  his 
part  in  a  situation  which  did  not  satisfy  to  some  degree  an 
inner  need  and  afford  a  certain  freedom  for  self-expression. 
On  this  account  (1849)  his  connection  with  the  democratic 
Dresdner  Zeitung  was  brief.  A  few  weeks  after  accepting  the 
position,  he  writes  to  his  friend  Wolfsohn,  who  had  secured 
it  for  him:  ^ 

"Eben  erhalt  ich  einen  sehr  freundlichen,  anerkennenden  Brief 
von  der  Dresdner  Zeitung,  der  mir  trotz  alledem  erklart,  dass  mein 
letzter  Artikel  'Preussen  —  ein  Militair- oder  Polizeistaat?'  wegen  der 
durchgehenden  altpreussischen  Gesinnung  nicht  habe  abgedruckt 
warden  konnen.  Ich  wundre  mich  iiber  diese  Erklarung  gar  nicht, 
—  sie  ist  ganz  in  der  Ordnung;  aber  es  geht  daraus  hervor,  dass  ich 
fur  jene  Zeitung  nicht  schreiben  kann,  wenn  gerade  das,  was  mich 
am  meisten  erwarmt  und  erhebt,  von  ihr  verworfen  werden  muss. 
Ich  bin  nun  mal  Preusse,  und  freue  mich  es  zu  sein." 

His  disregard  for  the  public  career,  for  which  his  father  had 
hopes,  is  further  testimony.  He  writes  to  his  mother  from 
England  (1858)  i^ 

"...  ich  zieh'  es  aber,  selbst  einschliesslich  aller  Sorgen  und  Ge- 
fahren,  durchaus  vor,  als  Lehrer,  Artikelschreiber  und  Stundengeber 
mich  arm,  aber  unabhangig  durchzuschlagen." 

His  resignation  from  the  Kreuzzeitung  ^  was  without  any 
provision  for  another  position.  Finally,  upon  resigning  the 
secretaryship  at  the  Royal  Academy  of  Art,  he  writes  to  his 

^  Cf.  Appendix. 

2  "  Briefwechsel,"    46;    also,  37,  40  f. 

'  W,  2,  VI,  99;  cf.  also  96  f. 

*  This  was  another  name  for  the  Neue  Preussische  Zeitung,  successor 
to  the  Preussische  Zeitung.  Fontane  had  been  connected  with  the  min- 
isterial press  from  the  beginning  of  his  literary  profession,  with  the  Neue 
Preussische  Zeitung,  of  which  Dr.  Beutner  was  chief  editor,  for  ten  years 


19 

wife,  whose  opposition  to  the  renunciation  of  the  new  position 
was  not  mild:  ^ 

"Ich  ersehne  den  Moment,  wo  ich  aus  diesem  wichtigtuerischen 
Nichts,  das  mit  FeierHchkeit  bekleidet  wird,  wieder  heraus  sein 
werde.  Dinge,  Personen,  Zustande  sind  alle  gleich  unerquicklich. 
Ich  passe  in  solche  Verhaltnisse  nicht  hinein  und  will  mich  lieber 
weiter  qualen." 

The  only  conclusion  to  draw  is  that  there  were  for  Fontane 
certain  sources  of  satisfaction  in  the  work  of  dramatic  criticism 
that  counterbalanced  the  unfavorable  conditions  and  made  his 
sacrifice  for  it  worth  while.  Among  these,  a  belief  in  the 
theater  as  a  power  probably  played  some  part,  although  no 
excessive  importance  is  to  be  attached  to  this  factor.  It  was 
not  the  purpose  of  the  drama,  in  his  opinion,  to  exploit  truths 
or  to  teach  facts,  although  he  demanded  that  due  regard  be 
paid  to  these,  when  they  provided  a  natural  and  necessary 
background  for  the  human  beings  whose  inner  life  was  there 
to  be  set  in  relief.  For  him  the  stage  stood  first  among  good 
and  elevating  di versions. ^  That  it  should  have  power  in  this 
capacity  is  at  times  very  definitely  stated  in  his  criticism. 
From  England  he  asks  the  question,  why  such  a  play  as 
"Antony  and  Cleopatra"  is  not  given  at  home?  He  spurns 
the  excuse  that  the  great  mass  cannot  appreciate  it  and  declares 
it  to  be  the  problem  of  the  stage  to  awaken  such  appreciation. 
The  enthusiasm  with  which  he  writes  of  the  feeling  of  the  folk 
in  England  for  Shakspere,  who  in  Germany  is  considered 
"caviar  for  the  people,"  shows  clearly  his  ideal  for  the  stage.^ 

(W,  2,  VI,  ii8,  191-199).  His  resignation  took  place  in  1869.  A  some- 
what tardy  addition  to  the  diary  (under  1870)  refers  to  it  as  follows: 

"Am  Oster-Sonnabend  (16  April)  hatte  ich  eine  Scene  mit  Dr.  Beutr 
ner,  ennuyirte  mich  aufs  ausserste  und  beschloss  meine  Stellung  auf- 
zugeben  und  in  Freiheit  ein  neues  Leben  zu  beginnen.  Am  Mittwoch 
nach  Ostern  (20.)  schrieb  ich  ihm  einen  Kiindigungsbrief  und  habe  seit 
jener  Zeit  die  Schwelle  der  Redaktion  nicht  mehr  uberschritten.  Es  war 
ein  Wagniss,  aber  in  diesem  Augenblick,  4  Monate  nach  dem  Abbruch, 
preise  ich  meinen  Entschluss.     Es  scheint,  dass  es  das  Richtige  war." 

1  W,  2,  VI,  241;  cf.  also,    239-242  f;    X,  368  ff.,  377  flf. 

'  W,  2,  XI,  287  (letter  to  August  v.  Heyden). 

»  W,  2,  VIII,  478  f- 


20 

It  is  not  impossible  that  he  felt  some  pride  in  being  critic 
for  what  was  —  in  position  at  least  —  the  first  stage  in  Ger- 
many. At  any  rate,  he  labored  zealously  to  arouse  in  the 
Royal  Theater  of  Berlin  the  desire  to  take  the  place  incum- 
bent upon  it  of  leader  in  German  dramaturgic  art.  There 
are  not  infrequent  withering  suggestions  to  the  effect  that 
the  Royal  Stage  is  unworthy  of  its  calling.  A  few  salient 
examples  will  sufiice  here:  (1872)  he  relegates  '' Auf  dem  Ober- 
hof*  (Birch-Pfeiffer)  to  the  suburban  stage  with  the  words 
that  it  is  ridiculous  elsewhere;^  (1873)  he  writes  that  the 
Royal  Stage  cannot  be  satisfied  with  the  requisites  for  an 
amateur  performance;^  (1878)  he  refer*^  to  the  superiority 
of  the  Meiningen  performances  not  only  in  setting  and  cos- 
tume, but  in  histrionic  ability  and  general  poetic  charm, 
with  the  opinion  that  if  the  situation  cannot  be  remedied,  it 
is  none  the  less  to  be  regretted  that  a  troop  of  players  from 
a  little  German  Residenz  should  have  to  serve  as  models  every 
year  for  the  Royal  Stage.^ 

The  gratification  that  comes  from  the  consciousness  of  being 
an  active  molding  force  certainly  did  not  enter  into  the 
considerations  that  led  Fontane  to  retain  this  work.  There 
are  various  indications  of  the  belief  that  criticism  was  in  this 
sense  a  thankless  task,  that  conditions  were  practically  in- 
flexible. The  persistence  with  which  he  maintained  his 
standards  brings  with  it  ever-increasing  admiration  for  his 
courage  in  facing  lack  of  response.  It  is  impossible  to  dis- 
connect his  detailed  and  careful  suggestions  for  improvement 
from  all  hope  of  realizing  visible  result.  In  other  lines  of 
work  he  was  by  no  means  insensitive  to  worthy  appreciation 
and  praise.  Furthermore,  a  letter  at  the  end  of  his  long  and 
steady  race,  containing  suggestions  concerning  his  successor, 
shows  a  far  different  dream  of  what  criticism  might  do.^ 

This  somewhat  impersonal  attitude  toward  recognition, 
which    prevailed   in   spite    of    temporary    irritations^  and   dis- 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  116  f.  3  W,  2,  VIII,  60  f. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  119.  *  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  219  f. 

'  Cf.  W,  2,  VI,  280.  —  He  writes  to  his  wife  here:  "Die  Sachen  von 
der  Marlitt,  von  Max  Ring,  von  Brachvogel,  Personen,  die  ich  gar  nicht 


21 

couragements,  the  ability  to  maintain  confidence  in  the 
word  he  spoke,  side  by  side  with  the  consciousness  that  it 
was  at  best  but  a  small  wedge  to  open  the  way  to  improve- 
ment, may  be  attributed  to  the  presence,  in  balanced  form, 
of  apparent  contradictions  in  his  nature.  The  necessity  for 
self-expression  was  behind  his  work.  He  evidently  enjoyed 
objectively,  too,  the  sense  of  adding  his  word  to  the  current 
of  daily  opinion.^  But  a  deep,  optimistic  belief  in  the  benefi- 
cence of  existing  order,  in  life  as  a  determining  force,  working 
by  gradual  processes  for  good,  resigned  him  to  the  fact  that 
he  was  but  a  small  part  of  a  great  whole,  and  gave  him, 
without  any  low  valuation  of  his  contribution  to  the  whole, 
a  kind  of  superiority  to  its  immediate  influence.  He  wrote 
to  Georg  Friedlander  (1889)  i^ 

"Beifall,  Zustimmung,  Ehren  bedeuten  uns  immer  noch  was,  als 
ware  damit  etwas  getan.  Das  ist  aber  falsch  und  unklug.  Wir 
miissen  vielmehr  unsere  Seele  mit  dem  Glauben  an  die  Nichtigkeit 
dieser  Dinge  ganz  erfiillen  und  unser  Gliick  einzig  und  allein  in  der 
Arbeit,  in  dem  uns  Betatigen  unser  selbst  finden." 

But  Fontane  did  not  have  to  lean  continuously  in  his  work 
as  critic  either  upon  his  life-philosophy  or  upon  his  convic- 
tion as  to  the  function  of  the  stage.  Natural  as  it  was  that 
there  should  have  been  periods  of  depression  and  that  when 
at  seventy  he  relinquished  regular  work  of  this  kind,  the 
sense  of  compulsion  in  it  should  have  come  to  be  burden- 
some,^ yet  various  degrees  of  pleasure  came  to  him  quite 
spontaneously  in  connection  with  his  visits  to  the  theater. 

There  are  indications,  direct  and  indirect,  that  his  fondness 
for  novelty  tended  to  make  even  the  waste  places  in  his  long 
service   as   theater-reporter   more   productive   of  interest   for 

als  Schriftsteller  gelten  lasse,  erleben  nicht  nur  zahlreiche  Auflagen, 
sondern  warden  auch  womoglich  ins  Vorder-  und  Hinter-Indische  iiber- 
setzt;    um  mich  kiimmert  sich  keine  Katze." 

^  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  301  (letter  to  Friedrich  Stephany,  June  6,  1893,  in 
regard  to  a  criticism  which  he  was  contributing  voluntarily). 

2  W,  2,  XI,  227. 

»  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  232  (letter  to  P.  Schlenther). 


22 

him  than  they  would  have  been  for  many.  He  wrote  to  his 
wife  from  London:  ^ 

"Ich  kann  dir  hier  keine  Geniisse  versprechen,  aber  wir  sind  nun 
mal  auf  ein  apartes  Leben  angewiesen  und  vor  allem  darauf,  rastlos 
zu  probieren,  wo  Frau  Fortuna  denn  eigentlich  steckt." 

To  Ludwig  Pietsch  (1874)  :^ 

"Alles  Aparte,  Courageuse,  die  Tradition  lachend  bei  Seite  Schie- 
bende  reizt  mich." 

He  was  interested  in  new  interpretations  of  standard  roles, 
if  there  was  anything  in  the  text  to  justify  the  innovation, 
whether  he  could  give  it  the  approval  of  first  choice  or  not. 
Miiller's  Falstaff,^  which  on  the  whole  lacked  originality,  of- 
fered this  interesting  new  point:  where  Falstaff  impersonates 
the  king,^  MUller  assumed  the  attitude  and  manner  of  speech 
of  a  king  from  a  puppet-play,  taking  his  suggestion  apparently 
from  the  words  of  Mistress  Quickly.  Fontane's  personal 
opinion  is  clear  from  the  statement  that  what  isn't  tabooed 
(verboten)  is  permissible;  but  he  says  that  the  effect  was 
very  good.  In  regard  to  Kraussneck's  Tell,  the  simple, 
natural  man  instead  of  the  usual  natural  hero^  he  writes:^ 

"Es  wohnt  dieser  Auffassung  ein  grosser  Reiz  inne,  und  ganze 
Scenen  wurden  dadurch  ungewohnlich  ansprechend.  .  .    " 

This  interest  in  new  interpretations,  whether  they  coin- 
cided with  his  preference  or  not,  is  but  a  phase  of  Fontane's 
objectivity.  He  writes  to  Friedlander  (1893)  of  his  sense  for 
facts  as  they  were:  ^ 

"Ich  habe  das  Leben  immer  genommen,  wie  ich's  fand,  und  mich 
ihm  unterworfen.  Das  heisst  nach  aussen  hin,  in  meinem  Gemiite 
nicht." 

*  L — (cf.  above  p.  5,  n.  2,  from  first  letter). 
2  W,  2,  X,  334. 

»  Cf.  V.  Z.  May  8,  1877. 

*  "Henry  IV,"  Part  I,  Act  II,  Sc.  4.  The  lines  in  question  —  from  the 
Schlegel  translation  (cf.  "  Shakespeares  dramatische  Werke,"  iibersetzt 
von  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel  —  6ter  Teil,  Berlin,  1800,  S.  83)  are:  "O 
prachtig!  Er  macht  es  den  Lumpen-Komodianten  so  natiirlich  nach,  wie 
man  was  sehen  kann." 

6  V.  Z.  Dec.  14,  1880,  B  3.  «  W,  2,  XI,  309. 


23 

These  words  are  indicative  of  his  attitude  toward  the  stage; 
he  accepted  what  it  offered  at  its  face-value.  When  the  of- 
fering lacked  the  excellence  which  affords  artistic  pleasure,  he 
was  interested  in  it  as  a  product  of  conditions.  The  per- 
formance of  ** Richard  III"  on  the  Soho  stage  in  London 
took  incredible  liberties  with  the  text.^  It  constructed  an 
entire  new  opening  scene,  in  which  Henry  VI  appeared  as 
prisoner  and  the  Duke  of  Oxford  reported  the  murder  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales  by  the  Yorks;  it  added  the  murder  of  Henry 
VI  (from  Part  III,  ''Henry  VI");  it  adapted  to  its  own  pur- 
poses the  Macbeth  monolog,  "Is  this  a  sword — ";  it  left 
in  Act  IV  no  stone  upon  another  of  the  original.  Yet  for 
Fontane  this  mutilated  "Richard  III"  was  food  for  reflection 
as  an  interesting  proof  that  Shakspere  may  be  made  to  appeal 
to  even  the  lower  classes. 

Fontane's  more  than  usual  interest  in  human  beings,  also 
contributed  without  doubt  to  his  enjoyment  of  this  work.  His 
fondness  for  intercourse  with  people  amounted  to  a  real  need. 
Pressed  as  he  was  by  the  necessity  of  making  his  work  lucra- 
tive, he  never  for  this  reason  isolated  himself  for  any  great 
length  of  time.  One  of  the  frequent  notes  in  his  diary  in 
the  early  years  of   pressure,  incomplete  as  this  seems  to  be 

—  at  times  in  fact  the  only  subjective  note  —  is  "geplaudert."^ 
The   character   and   the   vast   number   of   his   letters   evince 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  469-475. —  He  writes  of  it  to  his  wife  {L  —  London, 
Sept.  16,  1855):  "Mein  Kunsteifer  wurde  belohnt;  ich  genas  wahrend 
des  Spiels.  Daraus  hast  Du  aber  nicht  zu  schliessen,  das  es  sehr  schon 
war;  es  war  nur  sehr  interessant,  Parallelen  ziehen  zu  konnen  und  in 
mehr  als  einer  Beziehung  lehrreich.  Die  kleine  Biihne,  die  das  Stiick 
gab,  heisst  das  *Soho-Theater';  nach  dieser  Auffiihrung  zu  schliessen 
miisste  es  richtiger  '  O  ho-Theater '  heissen." 

2  The  following  citations  {D,  i860)  are  characteristic: 
"  d.   20.   2.  —  Gearbeitet  (Evangeline)  —  Ellora  bei  uns.     Liibke  liest 
ein  Kapitel    aus    seiner  Kunstgeschichte    (Masaccio    und    Ghirlandajo) . 

—  Geplaudert. 

"d.  25.  2.  Gearbeitet  (Longfellow.)  In  den  Rutli  bei  Prof.  Menzel. 
Gesprache  iiber  bairische  und  sachsische  Kriegsgeschichte  —  die  letztere 
wird  von  Blomberg  und  Menzel  sehr  verteidigt.  Nachher  Plaudereien 
iiber  Kopisch,  Ferrand  und  Minding.  —  Die  Kreuz  Ztg.  bringt  meinen 
Artikel  iiber  Ruppin.     Geplaudert. 


24 

pleasure  in  chats  on  paper  and  loyalty  to  absent  friends. 
His  family  letters  show  interest  in  every  detail  connected 
with  the  domestic  and  social  life  of  his  wife  and  children. 
Both  diary  and  letters  mention  constantly  people  of  interest 
whom  he  meets  in  social  gatherings  or  in  the  course  of  the 
summer  half-holiday.  His  "  Kinderjahre "  and  ^'Von  Zwan- 
zig  bis  Dreissig"  are  very  largely  recollections  of  people.  He 
was  a  faithful  member  of  three  literary  clubs/  and  the  minor 
note  in  his  letters  from  England  is  due  in  large  part  to  the 
sense  of  separation  from  his  friends,  and  from  the  inspiration 
which  he  found  in  them. 


"d.  26.  2,  Sonntag.  —  Gearbeitet  (Longfellow). — In  den  Tunnel; 
Ernst  Schultze  liest  ein  Elfen-Gedicht.  Festsetzung  einer  Concurrenz 
zum  letzten  Sonntag  im  April — (ein  erzahlendes  Gedicht).  Nach  Haus. 
Geplaudert.     Gelesen  (Oxford). 

^  These  have  been  mentioned  (p.  23,  n.  2). — The  membership  of 
"Der  Tunnel  iiber  der  Spree,"  the  most  celebrated  literary  club  of  the 
period,  included  the  most  prominent  personages  of  Berlin,  engaged  in  the 
pursuit  of  any  branch  of  art.  (Cf.  W.  2,  III,  5-10;  Wilhelm  LUbke, 
"Lebenserinnerungen, "  Berlin,  1891,  185  f.)  Fontane  entered  the  Tunnel 
in  1844  (W,  2,  III,  6);  a  letter  of  Nov.  1861  shows  him  still  an  active 
member  (W,  2,  X,  227),  and  according  to  a  brief  record  of  statistics 
("Zur  Geschichte  des  literarischen  Sonntags-Vereins";  cf.  above,  Introd., 
p.  xiv,  n.  i),  he  was  a  member  as  late  as  1865,  and  one  of  the  most 
active  contributors  to  its  programs:  1844,  9  so-called  Spdne  (cf.  W,  2, 
III,  13);  1845,  15;  1846,  23;  1847,  15;  1849,  15;  1850,  7;  1851,  4;  1852, 
8;  1853,  7;  1854,4;  1855,4;  1859,  11;  1861,2;  1862,3;  1864,  i;  1865,  I. 
Three  prizes  are  recorded:  for  "Der  Tag  von  Hemmingstedt"  in  185 1  (cf. 
W,  2,  X,  34);  for  "Lord  Athol,"  1855;  for  "Gorm  Grymme,"  1864.  Fon- 
tane himself  laid  value  upon  the  influence  of  the  Tunnel  in  his  develop- 
ment (cf.  W,  2,  X,  107;  XI,  309).  His  words:  "Das  Beste  was  ich 
weiss,  hab  ich  durch  Umgang,  Erzahlung,  Lektiire  gelernt"  (L  —  to  his 
wife,  London,  March  18,  1857),  cannot  but  have  reference  in  part  to 
this. 

The  Riitli  was  founded  by  Franz  Kugler  in  1852  (W,  2,  X,  75)  It 
was  made  up  of  especially  kindred  spirits  from  the  Tunnel,  and  held 
weekly  gatherings  also  (Wilhelm  Liibke,  op.  cit.,  186).  Fontane  was  one 
of  the  original  members  and  was  devoted  to  it  as  late  as  1892,  when  he 
had  become  one  of  only  three  attendants  (W,  2,  XI,  286). 

The  EUora  was  composed  also  chiefly  of  members  of  the  Tunnel.  It 
was  limited  to  seven.  It  began  (1852)  with  weekly  meetings  (Lubke,  187), 
and  Fontane  mentions  attending  it  in  Sept.  1871  (W,  2,  X,  290). 


25 

"Was  ich  hier  auf  die  Dauer  nicht  ertragen  kann,  das  ist  das 
Alleinstehn,  die  geistige  Vereinsamung.  .  .  .  Es  fehlt  mir  aller  Zu- 
spruch,  alle  Aufmunterung,  alles  Mitbestreben,  alles,  was  wohltut, 
erfreut,  erhebt,  begeistert."  ^ 

A  quarter  of  a  century  later  he  writes  in  a  vacation  letter 
from  Krummhiibel :  ^ 

"Ich  habe  hier  mehr  Personen  gesprochen,  mehr  Konversation 
gemacht,  mehr  Fragen  beriihrt,  mehr  Lob  und  Freundlichkeit  ein- 
geerntet,  als  in  Berlin  in  einem  ganzen  Jahre.  Wie  lebe  ich  denn  in 
der  Reichshauptstadt?  Arbeit  bis  um  3,  Mittagbrot,  Schlaf,  Kafifee, 
Buch  Oder  Zeitung,  Abendspaziergang  und  Tee.  Von  365  Tagen 
verlaufen  300  nach  dieser  Vorschrift.  Du  denkst  *ich  wiinsche  es 
so.'  Das  ist  aber  nicht  der  Fall;  ich  diirste  nach  Umgang,  Verkehr, 
Menschen,  aber  freilich  alles  muss  danach  sein  und  speziell  die 
Formen  haben,  die  mir  gefallen,  sonst  danke  ich  fiir  Obst  und  ziehe 
die  Einsamkeit  vor." 

The  types  which  the  stage  presents  are  likely  to  be  in 
themselves  more  vivid  than  the  average  type  of  daily  inter- 
course. Moreover,  they  brought  him  into  contact  with  the 
creative  impulse  of  author  and  impersonator  engaged  in  the 
solution  of  problems  of  art,  in  the  striving  for  an  ideal.  For 
these  reasons,  the  reflected  life  of  the  stage  was  often  more 
interesting  to  him  than  the  reality  offered  by  social  inter- 
course. He  wrote  (1892)  to  von  Hey  den  concerning  the  the- 
ater:^ 

''Die  Sache  hat  einen  Reiz  und  auch  die  Personen.  Ein  Geheimrat 
muss  schon  sehr  gut  sein  wenn  er  so  interessant  sein  soil  wie  Frau 
Kahle  oder  die  kleine  Conrad."  * 

Moreover,  there  were  occasional  hightides  in  the  reper- 
toire, and  Fontane's  response  at  such  times  indicates  that 
his  critical  work  had  for  him,  temporarily,  an  interest  second 
to  none.  The  rare  phenomenon  of  Sophocles'  "Oedipus  Rex" 
calls  him  from  Ruppin,  where  he  had  evidently  gone  to  col- 
lect material  for  the  "  Wanderungen."  He  writes  with  ap- 
preciation that   the  season  has   begun   brilliantly,  that   it   is 

1  W,  2,  VI,  95  f.  3  W,  2,  XI,  287. 

2  L  — To  his  wife,  Aug.  9,  1884.         «  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  337  fif.,  382  fif. 


26 

rumored  that  ** Oedipus  Coloneus"  and  "Antigone"  and  a 
cycle  of  Shakspere  histories  are  to  follow.^ 

In  1877  this  cycle  claimed  his  attention  along  with  the 
work  on  '*Vor  dem  Sturm."  ^  \  twofold  predilection  was 
involved  here,  —  Shakspere  and  history.  Fontane  was  never 
a  blind  hero-worshiper.  His  assertion^  that  we  take  too 
biased  a  position  toward  our  classic  writers,  when  we  attempt 
to  idolize  even  what  is  imperfect,  may  be  applied  to  his  atti- 
tude toward  Shakspere.  He  speaks  of  wide,  waste  places  in 
"Antony  and  Cleopatra";^  considers  some  of  the  love- 
speeches  of  Juliet  too  subtly  pointed;^  objects  to  the  treason 
in  Part  II  of  "Henry  IV";  ^  and  finds  some  of  the  humor  in 
"Twelfth  Night"  unintelligible  because  it  is  distinctly  the 
product  of  its  own  time.''  Yet  Shakspere  is  for  him  the  ideal 
combination  of  human  truth,  delicacy  and  depth  of  concep- 
tion, variety  and  realism  in  the  portrayal  of  character,  sim- 
plicity and  poetic  power  in  language,  inexhaustible  and 
refreshing  humor.^ 

His  fondness  for  history  antedated  even  his  enthusiasm  for 
Shakspere;  if  not  an  inheritance  from  his  father,  it  was  at 
least  so  successfully  nurtured  in  impressionable  years  through 

^  V.  Z.  Sept.  23,  1873,  B  2.  (Parts  from  this  report  are  given,  W,  2, 
VIII,  I  f.)  The  diary  note  here  is  (1873):  "Ende  Sept.  nach  Ruppin- 
dem  Einzug  der  24er  beigewohnt,  die  aus  Frankreich  (Verdun)  zuriick; 
kehren.  Vorher  Besuch  in  Wusterhausen,  Trieplatz  und  Tramnitz 
gemacht,  um  mein  Rohr-Kapitel  schreiben  zu  konnen.  Nach  Berlin 
zuriick,  um  der  i.  Auffiihrung  des  'Konigs  Oedipus'  beizuwohnen,  dann 
abermals  auf  8  Tage  nach  Ruppin." 

2  Here  the  diary  reads:  "Anfang  Okt.  reiste  ich  nach  Frankfurt  a. 
O.,  um  fiir  den  4.  Band  meines  Romans  die  notigen  Lokalstudien  zu 
machen.  Dann  begann  ich  diesen  Schlussband.  —  Im  Theater  war 
ziemlich  viel  zu  thun;  die  Shakespeare 'schen  Konigsdramen  wurden  in 
einem  Cyclus  gegeben." 

3  W,  2,  XI,  16  f.  (letter  to  Wilhelm  Hertz). 
*  V.  Z.  May  27,  1871,  B  2. 

«  V.  Z.  Jan.  II,  1874,  B  4  (report  on  "Was  ihr  woUt"). 
«  W,  2,  VIII,  13. 

»  V.  Z.  Jan.  26,  1884,  B  i  (additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  21  ff.). 
8  He  tried  his  hand  at  translating  "Midsummer  Night's  Dream"  (W, 
2,  VIII,  Vorwort,  XII)  and  also  "Hamlet"  (cf.  above,  p.  xiii.) 


27 

unique  instruction  by  question  and  anecdotes,^  that  in  this 
branch,  if  in  no  other,  Fontane's  generally  desultory  educa- 
tion attained  brilliant  results.  He  writes  to  Storm  in  regard 
to  this  (1854):  2 

"Als  ich  ein  dreizehnjahriger  Tertianer  und  im  ubrigen  ein  mittel- 
massiger  Schiiler  war,  hatt'  ich  in  der  Geschichte  solches  Renommee, 
dass  die  Primaner  mit  mir  spazieren  gingen  und  sich  —  ich  kann's 
nicht  anders  ausdrxicken  —  fiir's  Examen  durch  mich  einpaucken 
liessen.  Zum  Tail  war  es  blosser  Zahlen-  und  Gedachtniskram,  doch 
entsinne  ich  mich  andrerseits  deutlich  eines  Triumphes,  den  ich  fei- 
arte,  als  ich  mainan  Zuhorarn  die  Schlachtan  von  Crecy  und  Poitiers 
ausmalta," 

His  intimate  knowledge  of  facts,  and  the  hold  which  the  great 
characters  of  the  past  had  from  childhood  taken  upon  his 
imagination,  made  him  attach  more  than  ordinary  impor- 
tance to  the  presentation  of  historic  characters  upon  the  stage, 
take  unusual  pleasure  in  a  Shaksperean  history  as  faulty  in 
form  and  as  lacking  in  unified  dramatic  content  as  "Henry 
VI,"  ^  and  study  with  extreme  interest  the  adaptability  of 
the  Chronicles  to  the  stage. 

The  year  1878  brought  as  another  oasis  in  the  general 
dearth  the  conjunction  of  the  first  performances  of  Calderon's 
"Life  a  Dream"  and  Grillparzer's  "Traum  ein  Leben." 
Grillparzer  did  not  see  the  footlights  of  the  Royal  Stage 
frequently,  and  of  the  plays  given  "Medea"  was  presented 
most  often.  It  was  the  first  appearance  of  a  drama  by 
Calderon  in  Fontane's  experience  as  reporter.^  December 
13,  the  day  after  the  Grillparzer  premiere,  he  wrote  to 
Wilhelm  Hertz  that  he  had  sat  at  his  desk  "en  suite"  till 
after  seven  in  the  evening  over  a  comparative  criticism  of 
the  two  plays,  and  there  is  here  a  naively  frank  expression  of 
pleasure  in  trying  his  powers.^ 

"Uabar  zwai  solcha  Stiicka  zu  schraiban,  sia  zu  parallalisiaran  und 
jedas  in  sainar  Art  zu  wiirdigan,  ist  wirklich  schwar,  und  wenn  ich 

1  W,  2,  II,  149  ff.  3  cf.  below,  pp.  76  f. 

^  W,  2,  X,io6.  *  Cf.  above,  p.  14,  n.  i. 

6  W,  2,  X,  398. 


28 

damit   fertig  bin,   wundre  ich   mich  irnmer,   dass  ich's   iiberhaupt 
konnte.     Naives  Gestandnis!" 

The  Wildenbruch  premieres  (1882)  furnish  an  instance  of 
violent  disapproval.^  The  diary,  more  than  a  bare  record  of 
fact  at  this  point,  shows  flashes  of  personal  conviction,  and 
even  the  briefer  entries,  in  which  such  traces  are  lacking, 
indicate  that  this  new  apparition  in  drama  had  vital  interest 
for  Fontane.     This  appears  from  the  following  extracts : 

(18.  Jan.)  .  .  .  "Um  9  zu  Heydens;  grosse  Gesellschaft.  Gesprach 
mit  Herrn  v.  Wildenbruch  iiber  seinen  'Harold',  demnachst  ein  in- 
teressantes  politisches  Gesprach  mit  General  Fabre  du  Faure  uber 
Bismarck.     Spat  nach  Haus." 

(21.  April.)  . . .  "Urn  6i  ins  Theater;  E.  v.  Wildenbruch's  'Harold' 
kommt  zur  Auffuhrung  und  erringt  einen  grossen  Erfolg.  Es  ist 
sehr  wirksam  und  talentvoU,  aber  au  fond  schwach,  sogar  sehr 
schwach;  Hugo  Burger  in  der  Tragodie,  also  Scenengeschicklichkeit 
und  Raffinement,  eine  Mischung  aus  der  nie  was  werden  kann.  Diese 
Leute  haben  nur  ein  Organ  fur  die  Wirkung,  nicht  fiir  die  Wahrheit, 
und  daran  scheitern  sie." 

(22.  April.)  "Von  9  Uhr  friih  bis  9  Uhr  Abends  en  suite  an  der 
Kritik  iiber  'Harold'  geschrieben.  ..." 

(23.  April.)  . .  .  "Besuch  von  Dr.  O.  Brahm;  Gesprach  iiber 'Harold' 
und  JuHus  Wolffs  '  Tannhauser'.  Auslassungen  iiber  bornierte  Be- 
riihmtheiten." 

(25.  April.)  .  .  .  "Frenzels  Kritik  iiber  'Harold'  gelesen.  ..." 

(27.  April.)  "Berliner  Fremdenblatt  und  Tageblatt  gekauft  wegen 
der  Kritiken  (Harold)." 

(9.  Dez.)  .  .  .  "Riitli  bei  mir,  statt  bei  Menzel.  Zugegen:  Lazarus, 
ZoUner,  K.  Eggers,  zuletzt  auch  Heyden.  Ich  riiusste  gegen  7  ins 
Schauspielhaus,  wo  Wildenbruchs  'Opfer  um  Opfer'  gegeben  wurde. 
In  Wahrheit,  Willkiir,  Unsinn,  die  Steigerung  von  'Harold'.  Armer 
Stiimper,  der  sich  einbildet  in  Heinr.  v.  Kleists  Sattel  weiter  reiten  zu 
konnen.     Den  Sattel  hat  er  vielleicht,  aber  nicht  das  Pferd." 

(10.  Dez.)  .  .  .  "Kritik  geschrieben  iiber  'Opfer  um  Opfer'.  ..." 

(11.  Dez.)  "Kritik  iiber  'Opfer  um  Opfer'  corrigiert  und  zur 
Post  gegeben." 

(12.  Dez.)  "Gearbeitet:  Dreilinden.  Um  3  Uhr  zu  Zollner  zur 
Gratulation.     Brief   von   Heyden   in   der   Wildenbruch   Frage,   sehr 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  254  ff. 


29 

liebenswiirdig.  Novellenstoff  aufgeschrieben  ('Irrt,  wirrt').  Emilie 
liest  mir  2  vorziigliche  Rezensionen  iiber  Wildenbruchs  'Opfer  um 
Opfer'  vor,  eine  von  Frenzel  in  der  Nat.  Ztg.,  die  andre  von  Oscar 
Blumenthal  im  Tageblatt.     Gelesen."  ^ 

But  Fontane  was  interested  in  dramaturgy  even  when  the 
repertoire  offered  no  particular  phase  of  value.  He  wrote  to 
Schlenther  on  resigning  from  his  post  as  stage-critic  ^  that 
he  had  not  been  a  reluctant  theater-goer  and  that  he  was 
always  entertained,  even  when  what  the  program  offered  was 
horrible  (scheusslich).  Of  all  forms  of  literary  expression, 
the  drama  seems  to  have  had  —  next  to  the  lyric  —  the 
strongest  appeal  for  him,  and  he  had  cherished  the  plan  of 
trying  his  own  hand  at  dramatic  production.  He  wrote  to 
Wolfsohn  (Nov.  1847)  that  the  best  things  he  had  done  so 
far  —  ballads  and  sketches  of  historic  characters  —  made  a 
natural  transition  to  epic  and  drama.^  He  speaks  with  satis- 
faction of  the  fact  that  his  "epic  poem  in  nine  brief  songs" 
("Von  der  schonen  Rosamunde'O  has  not  been  without  its 
appeal  to  Berlin  hearts  and  says  that  he  would  begin  work 
at  once  with  righteous  zeal  on  a  drama  that  has  vital  hold 
upon  him,  if  he  did  not  have  to  deal  out  prescriptions  to  the 
public  instead  of  five-foot  iambics.  In  1848  a  letter  from 
von  Lepel  to  Fontane  mentions  the  latter's  plan  for  a  tragedy 
''Cromwell,"^  and  the  first  act  of  a  tragedy  ''Karl  Stuart" 
was  read  in  the  Tunnel  in  1849.^ 

*  Frenzel's  criticism  {Nationalzeitung,  No.  581,  Dec.  12,  1882,  Morgen- 
ausgabe)  emphasizes  the  lack  of  originality  shown  in  this  play,  compares 
it  with  Gutzkow's  "Ein  weisses  Blatt"  and  Spielhagen's  "Liebe  fiir 
Liebe,"  deplores  the  fact  that  Wildenbruch  has  left  the  realm  of  his- 
toric drama,  and  charges  him  with  imitation  of  the  French.  Blumenthal's 
criticism  {Berliner  Tageblatt,  No.  581,  Dec.  12,  1882,  Morgenausgabe, 
—  I.  Beiblatt)  is  entirely  in  the  tone  of  sarcastic  mockery,  of  which 
Fontane  did  not  usually  approve  in  criticism.     (Cf.  below  p.  46.) 

2  W,  2,  XI,  232. 

'  " Brief wechsel"  (Wolfsohn),  30. 

*  Bernhard  von  Lepel,  "Vierzig  Jahre  Briefe"  (Berlin,  1910),  107. 

5  Carl  Wegmann,  "  Theodor  Fontane  als  tJbersetzer  englischer  und 
schottischer  Balladen"  (Miinster  in  Westfalen,  1910),  no;  Wegmann, 
who  had  access  to  the  Tunnel  records,  reports  that  it  consisted  of  two 
scenes  —  the  first    in    the  royal  castle,  the  second  in  a  tavern  —  that 


30 

Both  "Cromwell"  and  "Karl  Stuart"  remained  fragments. 
Of  the  first,  what  developed  for  publication  was  "Cromwells 
letzte  Nacht,"  a  dramatic  monolog  in  which  Cromwell  jus- 
tifies himself  and  prefers  death  to  the  return  of  the  ghost  of 
Charles,  as  it  had  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream.^  In  1850, 
von  Lepel  referred  ^  in  a  letter  to  Fontanels  plan  of  publishing 
part  of  an  act  of  "Karl  Stuart,"  and  the  first  edition  of  the 
poems  contains  a  dramatic  fragment  of  this  title.'  It  has 
the  heading  "  Erster  Akt  "  and  corresponds  in  setting  to  the 
suggestion  from  the  Tunnel  report  of  the  first  scene  of  the 
original  read  in  the  Tunnel.  It  is  a  scene  in  the  apartment 
of  the  king,  in  which  the  wishes  of  the  Minister,  Earl  Straf- 
ford, and  the  queen,  Henriette  Marie  of  France,  come  into 
conflict  concerning  the  banishment  of  Marie  de  Medici,  and 
Strafford,  in  spite  of  his  triumph  with  the  king,  foresees  his 
fall.  The  later  editions  of  Fontane's  poems  include  only  the 
"Puritaner  Predigt,"  ^  reported  by  Strafford  to  the  king. 

Fontane's  interest  in  the  drama  as  a  form  may  have  been 
whetted  in  the  beginning  also  by  the  fact  that  a  number  of 
his  friends  were  trying  their  skill  in  it.  He  writes  of  Heyse's 
"Francesca  von  Rimini"  in  1850,  and  again,  somewhat  ad- 
versely, in  1851.^  He  notes  (1851)  that  Kugler  had  read  a 
five-act  tragedy,  "Kaiser  Pertinax,"  in  the  Tunnel.^  In  1854- 
1855  both  Wolfsohn  and  von  Lepel  consulted  him  concerning 

the  history  of  the  land,  the  feeling  of  the  people,  the  intrigue  of  indi- 
viduals, the  agitation  of  the  masses  are  excellently  exposed  in  dialog  that 
is  brief,  rapid,  and  fruitful  of  tension. 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  I,  i74f.  The  form  in  which  the  poem  appears  here  is 
with  but  few  changes  the  same  as  in  the  first  edition  ("Gedichte  von 
Theodor  Fontane,"  Berlin,  1851,  iioff.). 

2  Bernhard  v.  Lepel,  op.  cit.,  159  f. 

3  Cf.  "Gedichte"  (1851),  251-284. 

*  W,  2,  I,  171  ff.  — This  is  slightly  revised  at  the  beginning  and  at 
the  end,  to  give  it  direct  instead  of  indirect  form. 

5  W,  2,  X,  13,  18,  24.  —  According  to  Fontane's  statement  Kugler's  play 
aroused  no  great  enthusiasm,  yet  for  some  reason  this  is  one  of  the  few  books 
that  he  asked  his  wife  (1856)  to  bring  with  her  to  London.  The  list,  made 
up  of  classics,  hand-books,  and  the  works  of  friends,  is  as  follows: 

L  —  "(London,  d.  15.  Januar  '56). 

"Schiller, .  .  .  (Keine  Prosa). 


31 

dramas  in  the  process  of  growth.^  That  Fontane's  judg- 
ment concerning  drama  was  of  value  even  at  this  early  date 
is  shown  (1854)  in  a  letter  to  the  effect  that  Eduard  De- 
vrient  had  expressed  the  same  adverse  opinion  in  regard  to 
Wolfsohn's  ''Herr  von  Tausend  Seelen"  as  Fontanel  and  in 
the  fact  that  this  play,  revised  according  to  their  criticism, 
had  at  least  a  brief  stage  success  (1856).^ 

There  are  other  indications  that  Fontane  could  more  than 
hold  his  own  with  his  literary  friends;  his  ''Tag  von 
Hemmingstedt'*  was  awarded  the  Tunnel  prize  against  con- 
testing poems  of  both  Heyse  and  von  Lepel,^  and  only  Heyse 
had  made  such  a  strong  appeal  to  the  public  as  he.  More- 
over, although  the  fondness  for  detail  which  he  shows 
in  his  travels  and  narratives,  and  his  tendency  in  the  latter 
to  avoid  the  treatment  of  conflict,    argue   against   dramatic 

"Goethe,  den  'Faust'  und  ein  altes  schlechtes  Buch — Lepeln  gehorig 
—  worin  Goethe's  Gedichte  enthalten  sind.     Treibt  sich  irgendwo  'rum. 

"Heine,  Gedichte  I  und  II  und  Romanzen. 

"Morike,  Storm,  Scherenberg. 

"Lessing  (nur  die  beruhmten  3  Stiicke). 

"Lenau  (die  kleine  Ausgabe). 

"Paul  Heyse,  die  Briider. 

"  Merckel,  der  Uriaub. 

"Lepel,  Gesammelte  Werke. 

"Kugler,  Pertinax.     Und  der  Band  wo  'Genesius*  drin  steht. 
Fontane,  Gesammelte  Werke,  namentlich  aber  das  verkannte  Album. 
Auch  eine  Argo. 

"Shakespeare  nicht.  Ich  habe  ihn  hier.  Wenn  Platz  ist,  die  Ueber- 
setzung. 

"Platen,  i.  und  2.  Band. 

"  Franzosisches  Lexikon. 

"Heyses  Fremdworterbuch.  Dies  bezahit  die  Kasse  der  Deutsch-Engl.- 
Correspondenz. 

"  Wegen  anderer  Sachen  sei  so  gut  anzufragen.  Die  gewiinschten  Werke 
der  Riitlionen  und  ihre  Basreliefs  werden  sie  mir  hoffentlich  schenken. 
Heine  und  Morike  treibst  Du  vielleicht  billig  auf." 

1  " Brief wechsel"   (Wolfsohn),  109;    Bernhard  v.  Lepel,  op.  cU.,  256!. 

*  Cf.  "Briefwechsel"  (Wolfsohn),  109.  —  Fontane's  opinion,  if  ex- 
pressed in  writing,  is  not  among  the  published  letters. 

'  Bernhard  v.  Lepel,  op.  cit.,  289.  The  play  was  entitled  in  revised 
form  "Nur  eine  Seele."     Cf.  also  "Briefwechsel"  (Wolfsohn),  no,  note. 

*  W,  2,  X,  34. 


32 

ability,  he  was  not  without  certain  important  requisites 
for  this  literary  form.  The  power  of  realistic  dialog  would 
have  been  as  valuable  to  him  in  drama  as  in  narrative. 
The  use  of  brevity  and  thrilling  suggestion,  which  he  shows 
in  the  English  ballads,  evinces  power  to  produce  tension.^ 

Perhaps  the  fact  that  Fontane  was  not  impressed  by  the 
work  of  his  friends  was  one  influence  that  made  him  abstain 
from  drama.  He  considered  Kugler  an  accomplished  man,  but 
not  an  original  poet.  He  found  von  Lepel  lacking  in  critical 
ability,  and  his  ''Herodes"  weak  in  structure  in  spite  of  the 
brilliant  details  that  in  his  opinion  characterized  all  of  von  Le- 
pel's  work.2  He  regarded  the  drama,  too,  as  a  difficult  form 
and  seems  to  have  doubted  his  ability  to  excel  in  it.  He 
wrote  to  Friedrich  Witte  (1851)  that  he  could  do  nothing 
with  drama  until  he  had  repose  and  freedom  from  the  cares 
incident  to  making  a  livelihood.  He  wrote  (1856)  to 
Henriette  von  Merckel,'  who  had  praised  **Der  letzte  York" 
and  expressed  the  wish  that  he  would  write  a  drama,  that 
he  had  microscopic  germs  of  a  dozen  dramas  in  mind,  but 
that  even  if  he  were  in  the  near  future  to  receive  a  sinecure 
with  1200  Thaler  attached,  he  should  probably  not  attempt 
drama.  A  time  that  demanded  special  permission  for  the 
expression  of  a  liberal  thought  in  the  third  scene  of  the  third 
act  would,  he  said,  be  unpropitious  for  even  a  Shakspere, 
and  although  it  was  the  right  of  genius  to  overcome  all 
difficulties,  he  was  no  genius.'* 

*  Cf.  Carl  Wegmann,  op.  cU.,  21  ff.,  2>Z  ff->  4o>  59  ff-  Wegmann  points 
out  that  Fontane's  version  of  "John  Musgrave  and  Lady  Barnard"  is 
better  motivated  and  more  tragic  than  that  of  Percy,  that  Fontane's 
omissions  add  dramatic  directness  to  "Das  Douglas  Trauerspiel,"  that 
he  gives  dramatic  structure  to  the  action  in  "Lord  Athol,"  that  he  sub- 
stitutes dramatic  for  epic  touches  in  "Marie  Duchatel,"  in  "Schon 
Margret  und  Lord  William,"  and  in  "  Chevy  Chase."  —  Most  of  these 
ballads  were  read  in  the  Tunnel  between  Dec.  1848  and  April,  1855. 

2  W,  2,  X,  35,  185. 

3  W,  2,  X,  158. 

*  Fontane  refers  here  to  the  forbidden  introduction  of  a  Margrave 
upon  the  stage,  and  Dr.  Schlenther  is  of  the  opinion  that  he  may  have 
had  in  mind  a  cycle  of  Hohenzollern  dramas  (cf.  Paul  Schlenther,  "Aus 
Theodor  Fontanes  Friihzeit,"  Berliner  Tagehlatt,  Beiblatt  4»  Nov.  16,  1910). 


33 

Although  the  hope  of  producing  a  drama  was  never  real- 
ized, Fontane's  interest  in  the  process  of  production  remained.^ 
The  duty  of  reviewing  a  large  proportion  of  the  premieres  of 
his  period  would  have  been  intolerable  to  many  men,  but  it 
was  not  so  to  him.^  Details  interested  him,  and  his  atti- 
tude was  usually  that  of  study  and  of  investigation  as  to 
method.  He  wrote  on  resigning  from  the  Royal  Academy 
of  Arts:  ^ 

*  *  Eine  gute  Theaterkritik,  um  das  Kleinste  herauszugreif  en,  ist 
viel,  viel  besser  als  diese  Reskripte-Fabrikation,  bei  der  ich  noch 
nichts  Erfreuliches  habe  herauskommen  sehn." 

The  premiere  of  Koberstein's  *'Um  Nancy"  (1773)  was 
instructive  to  him,  not  on  account  of  the  worth  of  the  play, 
but  for  the  evidence  it  afforded  that  a  play  may  be  good  in 
structure,  at  least  acceptable  in  general  conception  and  char- 
acter, and  yet  fail  absolutely  through  lack  of  poetic  (dich- 
terische)  technic.^  He  wrote  (1878)  in  his  diary  of  the 
work  of  reporting  upon  French  players: 

"Mit  dem  i.  Jan.  fand  sich  auch  wieder  die  franzosische  Schau- 
spieler-Truppe  ein  und  dieselbe  Muhsal  begann  wie  im  vorigen  Jahre. 

^  He  spoke  with  some  feeling  late  in  life  to  Dr.  Schlenther  of  his 
"Karl  Stuart"  and  of  the  preservation  of  the  fragment  (cf.  Paul  Schlen- 
ther, op.  cii.). 

2  Reports  on  plays  by  contemporary  authors  and  on  others  produced 
for  the  first  time  on  the  Royal  Stage  constituted  one  special  function  of 
the  theater  critic  (according  to  information  from  the  editorial  oflSice, 
V.  Z.).  There  was  no  stipulation  as  to  the  number  of  criticisms  per 
week;  the  number  four  of  which  Fontane  speaks  (cf.  above,  p.  17,  n.  3) 
must  have  been  self-imposed,  therefore,  from  interest  and  sense  of  duty. 
In  spite  of  the  temporary  renunciation  of  his  position  (1876),  of  almost  an- 
nual interruptions  from  illness,  and  of  the  fact  that  the  last  three  years 
(1887-1889)  show  criticisms  of  only  11  premieres  out  of  27,  Fontane's 
record  from  1871  to  1889  shows  reports  on  180  of  the  219  new  plays 
presented  (this  statement  is  based  on  a  comparison  of  my  own  record 
of  Fontane's  reports  for  the  V.  Z.  with  the  printed  statistics  of  the 
Royal  Theater;    cf.  above,  p.  14,  n.  i). 

3  W,  2,  VI,  241. 

*  V.  Z.  Feb.  I,  1873,  B  2.  (A  part  of  this  report  is  found  W,  2,  VIII. 
226  f.) 


34 

Diesmal  aber  erhielt  ich  2  Billets  und  war  in  der  angenehmen  Lage 
meine  Frau,  die  das  franzos.  Theater  liebt,  mitnehmen  zu  konnen.  Ich 
fing  auch  an,  dabei  zu  lernen,  nicht  sprachlich  aber  literarisch." 

His  discussion  of  "Antony  and  Cleopatra"  shows  a  similar 
point  of  view.  After  treating  the  chief  weakness,  the  death 
of  Antony  at  the  end  of  Act  IV  and  the  attempt  to  change 
the  sequence  of  scenes,  he  writes :  ^ 

"Ein  solcher  Abend  gewahrt  einem  mehr  ein  wissenschaftliches 
Interesse,  als  einen  kunstlerischen  Genuss.  Man  lernt,  man  fordert 
sich,  man  empfangt  einen  Gradmesser  mehr,  man  gewinnt  Einblicke  in 
grosse  Vorziige,  denen  nachzustreben  ist,  in  kleine  Fehler,  die  zu  ver- 
meiden  sind." 

When  he  relinquished  the  post  of  critic  (1889),  he  had 
ceased  to  feel  any  pleasure  in  reviewing  mediocre  plays,  but 
he  wrote  to  Friedrich  Bruckmann  ^  that  he  enjoyed  writing 
columns  on  the  performances  of  the  Free  Stage.  Between 
1887  and  1889  he  saw  the  fulfilment  of  his  hopes  for  modern 
drama  realized  to  some  extent  in  Wildenbruch's  "Die  Quit- 
zows,"  in  Bjornson's  "A  Gauntlet,"  more  especially  in  the 
technical  art  of  Ibsen;  ^  and  he  passed  through  no  period  of 
groping  and  wavering,  as  did  some  of  his  contemporaries,* 
before  he  could  appreciate  the  new  technic.  A  last  evidence 
that  Fontane's  criticism  of  drama  was  not  perfunctory  lies  in 
the  series  of  enthusiastic  discussions  of  the  work  of  Tolstoi, 
Holz  and  Schlaf,  and  Gerhart  Hauptmann,^  which  he  con- 
tributed voluntarily  to  the  Vossische  Zeitung  or  held  at  length 
in  letters  to  friends  after  his  regular  work  as  critic  was  fin- 
ished. His  response  in  the  midst  of  opposing  colleagues  was 
again  as  spontaneous  and  direct  as  that  to  Ibsen,  and  more 

1  V.  Z.  May  27,  1871,  B  2. 

2  W,  2,  XI,  231. 

3  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  26s  ff.,    219  ff.,  189  ff. 

^  He  writes  (I>,  1889):  "Nur  ein  einziges  Stiick  tritt  im  Laufe  der 
Saison  mit  den  *Quitzows'  in  Concurrenz,  Ibsens  'Die  Frau  vom  Meere.' 
Nur  die  Ibsenianer  und  ich  treten  dafiir  ein,  alle  andren  verhohnen  und 
verurteilen  es." 

^  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  207  ff.,  300-316.  —  W,  2,  XI,  312  f.,  381  ff.,  411  ff. 


35 

enthusiastic,  because  he  saw  in  the  new  drama  a  truer  repro- 
duction of  life. 

Dr.  Schlenther  writes  of  Fontane  that  he  had  stood  almost 
alone  in  the  center  of  literary  production  for  half  a  century, 
a  voice  in  the  desert,  attempting  by  honest  effort  to  direct 
the  artistic  taste  of  his  time  into  proper  channels.^  His  be- 
lief in  art  as  a  living  thing,  a  necessary  expression  of  the 
great  truths  of  human  life,  to  which  every  generation  and 
every  contributor  may  give  something  new,  made  it  possible 
for  him  to  enjoy  testing  every  effort  toward  new  attainment, 
every  attempt  to  revive  what  was  of  value  in  established 
forms.  There  is,  however,  a  tendency  to  dismiss  Fontane's 
critical  work  with  mere  mention,  or  with  half  charitable 
statements  of  neutral  shade,  except  for  the  respect  shown  for 
his  individuality  and  his  human  wisdom.  The  fact  that  he 
could  recognize  good  in  a  poor  play  may  have  been  inter- 
preted to  mean  that  his  standard  was  variable  or  his  ideal 
easily  satisfied.  There  is  no  more  conclusive  proof  to  the 
contrary  than  in  his  attitude  toward  the  naturalistic  drama. 
His  firm  conviction  throughout  his  work  had  been  that  the 
drama  should  mirror  actual  life.  Nevertheless,  although  he 
looked  upon  this  attainment  of  the  naturalists  as  a  triumph, 
their  goal  meant  for  him  only  a  temporary  resting  place. 
Art,  in  his  opinion,  demanded  a  broader  conception  of  life. 
Therefore,  he  regarded  the  work  of  even  the  naturalists  as 
only  a  most  important  contribution  toward  a  completer 
drama  of  the  future. 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  Vorwort,  XX. 


CHAPTER   II 

Fontane's  Conception  of  Criticism 

"Was  nicht  in  der  Wahrheit  steht,  das  stirbt." 

Th.  Fontane  (W,  2,  VIII,  254.) 

In  certain  fundamental  lines  the  trend  of  what  may  be 
expected  in  Fontane's  critical  work  is  determined  at  the 
outset  by  opinions  which  he  expressed  in  regard  to  criticism 
in  general  and  by  testimony  concerning  himself  as  critic. 

To  him  the  learned  application  of  established  theory  to  the 
question  in  hand  meant  little  or  nothing.  Not  tenets  but 
sensations  are  to  sit  in  judgment.  In  1877  he  writes  that 
impressions  may  err,  but  that  even  in  error  they  avail  more 
than  dead  law.^  Again  in  1886,  in  praise  of  Schlenther's 
criticism,  he  declares  that  a  fresh,  normal,  strong  feeling  alone 
makes  the  critic,  that  everything  else  —  especially  measuring 
by  a  certain  yard-stick,  be  it  Tieck,  Lessing,  or  even  Aristotle 
—  is  nonsense  and  shows  only  dependence.^ 

Fontane's  lack  of  academic  experience  and  theoretical  train- 
ing naturally  leads  us  to  the  questions  whether  he  was  not 
forced  to  this  initial  point  of  view,  whether  he  could  upon 
any  other  basis  take  a  place  beside  professional  critics. 

A  certain  sensitiveness  to  the  weakness  of  his  professional 
armor  manifests  itself,  to  be  sure,  in  different  ways.  A  sense 
of  triumph  when  the  unacademic  succeeds  cannot  but  reveal 
an  undercurrent  suggestive  of  the  untrained  man  and  his 
personal  struggle  in  the  literary  world.  This  is  certainly  not 
the  dominant  impulse  in  his  cordial  congratulation  of  Otto 
Brahm   on   receipt   of   the   first   prize   from    the   Allgemeiner 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  221. 

2  W,  2,  XI,  108. 


37 

Verein  fiir  deutsche   Literatur  for   his   Kleist    biography,  but 
it  is  present,  no  doubt,  as  a  minor  ingredient.     He  writes:  ^ 

"Als  KoUege  habe  ich  —  and  mit  mir  gewiss  viele  —  noch  die 
Spezialfreude  gehabt,  dass  ein  Schriftsteller  den  ersten  und  ein  Pro- 
fessor erst  den  zweiten  Preis  errungen  hat.  Es  ist  recht  gut,  dass 
wir  Professoren  und  Geheimrate  haben,  aber  ihre  AUeinherrschaft 
dann  und  wann  gebrochen  zu  sehn,  ist  doch  eine  Wonne,  weil  ein 
gelegentlicher  Triumph  von  Gerechtigkeit  und  bon  sens." 

There  are  evidences,  too,  especially  in  the  testimony  of 
the  later  years,  of  a  sense  of  unfitness  on  his  part  in  academic 
circles.  One  must  feel  that  had  Bunsen  been  successful  in 
securing  for  Fontane  early  in  his  career  a  professorship  at 
Oxford  or  Cambridge,  he  would  have  accepted  it  with  brave 
front,  although  he  wrote  to  his  wife  that  the  idea  was  ludi- 
crous.2  He  realized,  no  doubt,  that  in  England  his  native 
tongue  would  be  an  asset,  in  addition  to  his  literary  ability 
and  his  devotion  to  letters,  upon  which  he  could  not  expect 
to  count  at  home;  but  he  seems  also  to  have  had  something 
of  the  adventurer's  spirit  in  the  tendency  to  interpret  differ- 
ent national  conditions  as  a  less  severe  standard  which  he 
might  turn  to  his  advantage.     He  writes  from  London :  ^ 

"Wenn  ich  erst  die  Sprache  inne  haben  werde,  so  wird  sich  noch 
manches  finden;  bedenke,  dass  man  hiernur  ein  bisschen  Wissen  und, 
versteht  sich  wie  iiberall,  ein  bisschen  Gluck  zu  haben  braucht,  so  ist 
der  Lehrer  fertig,  wogegen  man  mich  in  Deutschland  immer  nach 
meinem  Pass  fragen  und  mir  diese  Laufbahn  verschliessen  wird." 

It  is,  however,  only  in  the  early  period  of  struggle  for  a 
foothold  that  any  trace  of  this  spirit  occurs.  He  writes  to 
Maximilian  Ludwig  of  the  celebration  of  his  seventieth 
birthday:  ^ 

"Die  Festtage  waren  sehr  schon  und  haben  mir  wohlgetan.  Trotz- 
dem  bedurfte  es  nicht  meiner  Skepsis,  um  ein  gut  Teil  davon  nicht 

^  W,  2,  XI,  87  (Jan.  1884).  Brahm  had  a  university  training  but  was 
not  a  scholar  by  profession. 

2  W,  2,  VI,  17. 

3  £— (To  his  wife,  dated  "2.  Pfingstag."    Cf.  above,  p.  5,  n.  i.) 
*  W,  2,  XI,  240. 


38 

recht  zu  glauben.  Fiir  viele  war  es  Ulk,  Radau,  Mumpitz,  und  einige 
fochten  mit,  deren  Devise  war:  'Wir  woUen  doch  mal  sehen,  was  man 
dem  Berliner  alles  einreden  kann.'" 

Although  he  adds  here  that  the  consciousness  of  this  feeling 
does  not  affect  him  greatly,  since  one  finds  it  everywhere  in 
life,  there  is  in  his  non-acceptance  of  Erich  Schmidt's  invita- 
tion to  the  Weimar  celebration  (1896)  unquestionable  evi- 
dence of  his  tendency  to  recoil  from  what  might  be  considered 
by  others  an  aggressive  claim  to  recognition.     He  writes:  ^ 

"Ich  habe  geantwortet,  'dass  ich  nicht  konne/  was  wegen  Karls- 
bad auch  wirklich  der  Fall  ist.  Aber  wenn  es  auch  anders  lage,  wiirde 
ich  doch  *weit  vom  Schuss'  zu  bleiben  suchen.  Ich  kann  mich  da 
nicht  mit  einem  Male  gut  einreihen.  Abgesehen  davon,  dass  einige 
in  den  Verwunderungsruf:  *Gott,  nun  auch  hier  noch'  ausbrechen 
wiirden,  passe  ich  wirklich  in  die  Sache  nicht  recht  hinein,  well  ich 
der  da  zu  spielenden  Rolle  nicht  gewachsen  bin.  Es  ist  mir  gelegent- 
lich  passiert,  dass  ich  mit  einem  lateinischen  oder  selbst  griechischen 
Zitat  wie  mit  du  auf  du  angeredet  worden  bin,  wobei  ich  immer  das 
Gefiihl  gehabt  habe:  'Erde  tu  dich  auf  —  ein  Gefiihl,  das  mir  in 
Weimar  leicht  noch  mal  erbluhen  konnte.  Denn  trotzdem  ich  meinen 
Lewes  und  sogar  meinen  Herman  Grimm  gelesen  habe,  habe  ich 
doch  von  Goethewissenschaftlichkeit  keinen  Schimmer  und  wurde 
jeden  Augenblick  die  Angst  haben:   'Jetzt  geht  es  los.'" 

But  important  as  these  instances  are,  they  are  isolated. 
When  Fontane  feels  himself  upon  a  footing  that  involves  no 
apparent  claim  of  equality  with  scholars  and  that  cannot, 
therefore,  be  legitimately  denied  him,  he  regards  adverse 
criticism,  although  sometimes  irritated  by  it,  with  charac- 
teristic objectivity.  This  fact-sense  reveals  itself  nowhere 
more  strikingly  than  in  a  letter  to  Friedlander  concerning  the 
honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  conferred  upon  him 
at  the  end  of  his  seventy-fourth  year  by  the  University  of 
Berlin.^     Without  depreciating  the  value  of  the  honor  paid 

1  W,2,XI,  387f. 

'  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  spite  of  the  scorn  which  Fontane 
frequently  expressed  for  the  methods  and  influence  of  scholarship,  he 
was  impressed  and  gratified  by  this  honor.  Both  the  letter  cited  (cf.  W. 
2,  XI,  330)  and  the  diary  express  pleasure  in  it.     The  latter  reads  here: 


39 

him  and  at  the  same  time  without  overestimating  his  merits, 
he  shows  the  conviction  that  in  spite  of  the  influence  of  friends 
in  securing  such  distinctions,  he  is  as  worthy  of  them  as 
others. 

His  conception  of  criticism  was  indeed  in  no  sense  a  sub- 
terfuge. It  had  its  foundation  in  the  belief  that  all  true  art 
is  born  necessarily  of  spontaneous  impulse,  that  the  esthetic 
nature  is  an  incessant  creative  force,  that  individuality  is 
a  source  from  which  new  values  may  accrue  constantly  to 
established  norms.  It  is  wholly  in  keeping  with  the  need  of 
self-expression,  which  led  him  personally  into  the  pursuit 
of  letters  for  a  doubtful  livelihood.  It  is  in  keeping,  further, 
with  the  place  of  importance,  beside  esthetic  worth,  that  he 
granted  to  sincere  originality  in  his  praise  of  Scherenberg's 
poetry,  when  he  said  that  its  essence  lay  in  its  separation 
from  tradition  and  in  its  tendency,  in  spite  of  frequent 
lack  of  beauty,  to  build  upon  new  foundations  in  content  and 
form.^ 

For  Fontane  criticism  involved,  however,  a  second  element 
equal  in  importance  to  the  intuitive  basis  that  it  required, 
the  explanation  of  the  involuntary  response  of  the  esthetic 
sense  to  external  stimulus.  He  writes  (1874)  in  connection 
with  Wichert's  "Die  Realisten":^ 

"Das  Gefiihl,  das  mich  begleitete,  war  das  einer  gewissen  Nicht- 
Befriedigung,  eines  bestandigen  Gestortwerdens  in  eben  angeregten 
Stimmungen.  .  .  .  Der  Kritik  liegt  es  ob,  sich  iiber  seiche  Emp- 
findungen  klarzuwerden  und  das  Warum  einer  gewissen  Missstim- 
mung  zu  ergriinden." 

This  duty  of  criticism  to  explain  impressions  is  at  times 
closely  connected  with  the  idea  that  the  critic  is  a  molder 
of  public   taste.     Fontane,   accordingly,   grants  to   the  critic 

"1895.  Ich  habe  hier  nachzutragen,  dass  ich  im  Nov.  oder  Dec.  94, 
kurz  vor  meinem  75.  Geburtstage,  seitens  der  philosoph.  Fakultat  der 
Berliner  Universitat  zum  Doctor  honoris  causa  ernannt  wurde.  Eine 
grosse  Freude,  die  ich  wohl  Schlenther  und  Prof.  Erich  Schmidt  ver- 
danke,  welch  letzterer  die  Fakultat  mobil  machte." 

^  W,  2,  III,  495. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  211  f. 


40 

by  no  means  unlimited  freedom.  The  reflection  of  indi- 
viduality advocated  by  him  does  not  admit  of  caprice.  The 
esthetic  standard,  according  to  which  the  first  involuntary 
record  of  approval  or  disapproval  is  made,  must  be  stable 
and  must  show  above  all  else  a  response  to  the  test  of  artistic 
necessity  or  artistic  truth.  He  says  in  his  merciless  criticism 
of  Frl.  Clara  Ziegler  (1872)  that  the  public  stands  under  the 
influence  of  external  appeal  alone,  but  the  critic  must  justify 
what  the  stage  offers  on  the  basis  of  truth  and  of  unity  be- 
tween underlying  thought  and  visible  line  and  form.^  In  the 
conclusion  of  "Hans  Lange"  he  sees  (1882)  an  unnecessary 
sacrifice  of  consistency  and  strength  in  the  character  develop- 
ment of  Bugslaff,  the  Duchess,  Hans  Lange,  and  the  peasant 
mother,  entailing  a  sacrifice  of  truth  in  the  effect  of  the 
whole.  Fontane  asserts  that  his  purpose  here  is  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  public  to  a  weakness  in  organic  development, 
not  to  suggest  to  the  writer  how  he  shall  improve  his  work.^ 

"Nichts  ist  misslicher,  als  einen  Dichter  beraten  woUen;  was 
man  ihm  sagen  kann,  hat  er  sich  langst  vorher  gesagt.  .  .  .  Aber 
was  der  Dichter  weiss,  das  Publikum  weiss  es  nicht,  oder  doch  nicht 
immer.  So  stehe  dann  nur  seinetwillen  hier,  was  ich  zu  sagen 
habe." 

The  fact  that  Fontane  had  in  hand  a  work  of  Heyse  may 
have  prompted  this  explanation  in  part.  His  criticism  of 
Heyse  is  in  the  main  apparently  both  open  and  just.  Occa- 
sionally, however,  it  shows  a  startling  amount  of  considera- 
tion given  to  a  mediocre  play,  as  in  the  report  on  ''Das 
Recht  der  Starkeren,"  ^  and  in  such  cases  it  does  not  carry 
conviction  with  it.  It  seems  restrained,  at  times  by  the 
sense  of  professional  courtesy,  at  times,  in  the  absence  of 
spontaneous  approval,  by  the  fear  of  yielding  unconsciously 
to  personal  prejudice.  He  and  Heyse  had  had  different  ideas 
of  art  from  the  early  days  in  the  Tunnel,  and  Heyse's  supe- 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  346. 

2  V.  Z.  Oct.  18,  B  I.  —This  criticism,  Fontane  states,  is  based  on  the 
revised  play,  which  brings  the  original  five  acts  into  the  compass  of  four 
and  thus  gains  in  brevity. 

3  Cf.  V.  Z.    Jan.  18,  1884,  B  i. 


41 

rior  attitude  had  always  irritated  him.  He  wrote  in  i8$i 
that  Heyse  considered  everything  poor  that  was  not  by 
Goethe  or  himself/  and  as  late  as  1889  that  Heyse  could  not 
accustom  himself  to  the  fact  that  taste  changed  in  the  course 
of  fifty  years.2  His  relations  with  Heyse  were  not  unfriendly. 
They  continued  to  exchange  occasional  letters  and  visits  after 
Heyse  left  Berlin  for  Munich,  and  Heyse  even  attempted  to 
secure  for  Fontane  the  position  of  secretary  to  King  Maxi- 
milian of  Bavaria,^  through  which  Fontane  would  have  been 
closely  associated  with  the  Munich  circle  of  poets.  But  there 
was  never  any  deep  sympathy  between  them.  Fontane  was 
more  than  ordinarily  interested  in  Heyse's  triumphs,  his  pro- 
ductivity, his  lyric  gift,  but  he  felt  that  Heyse  had  no  very 
flattering  opinion  of  his  ability  *  and  confesses  on  one  occa- 
sion a  sense  of  uneasiness  when  he  has  a  report  on  one  of 
Heyse's  dramas  in  hand.  The  method  used  here  —  of  testing 
by  consistency  and  truth  —  is,  however,  most  common  in  Fon- 
tane's  work.  His  recensions  of  "Hans  Lange"  show  uni- 
formly, moreover,  that  he  gives  this  drama  high  rank  except 
for  its  conclusion.  The  judgment  pronounced  here  must 
therefore  be  accepted  as  sincere,  whether  the  expression  of 
purpose  is  one  largely  of  courtesy  or  not. 

Certain  secondary  restrictions  limit  even  further  the  critic's 
method.  The  nature  of  a  criticism  should  depend,  in  Fon- 
tane's  opinion,  to  some  extent  upon  the  standing  of  the 
author  whose  work  is  in  question.  Therefore,  he  applies 
an  entirely  different  norm  to  a  tragedy  by  Grillparzer  or 
Otto  Ludwig  and  to  a  comedy  by  Lubliner.^  He  admits 
that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  imposing  upon  the  spectator, 
but  feels  that  the  critic  should  recognize  the  obligation  of  the 
stage  to  amuse  to  the  extent  of  not  condemning  an  unpre- 
tentious play  when  it  involves  a  happy  idea  and  affords 
pleasure.^ 

The  critic  must  take  into  consideration  also  the  purpose 
of  the  author.     He  says  in  connection  with  Lindau's  "Grafin 

1  W,  2,  X,  35-  '  W,  2,  XI,  99. 

2  W,  2,  XI,  234.  5  w,  2,  VIII,  274. 

3  Cf.  W.  2,  VI,  103  ff.  ^  V.  Z  .  Oct.  12,  1871,  B  2. 


42 

Lea"  (1880)  that  it  is  unreasonable  to  compare  it  with  "Na- 
than der  Weise"  since  Lindau's  only  purpose  was  to  write  a 
play  of  social  life,  not  primarily  to  give  dramatic  form  to  a 
discussion  of  the  race  question.^  He  defends  warmly  Heyse's 
"Die  Weisheit  Salomos"  (1888),  insisting  that  it  is  wrong  to 
criticize  this  play  adversely  on  the  basis  of  historic  inaccuracy .2 

"...  die  historische  Belrachtung  auf  Seiten  der  Kritik  ist  gut  und 
mitunter  sogar  unerlasslich,  aber  doch  immer  nur  da,  wo  der  Dichter 
selbst  es  will  und  dem,  der  ihn  zu  beurteilen  hat,  den  entsprechenden 
Massstab  in  die  Hand  druckt." 

This  instance  has  peculiar  interest  not  only  because  it  con- 
cerns a  work  of  Heyse  —  and  one  not  received  with  favor  by 
critics  in  general  —  but  especially  because  it  has  to  do  with 
the  point  of  poetic  license  in  the  treatment  of  history  and 
represents  a  complete  change  of  view  on  the  part  of  the  critic 
in  the  course  of  his  experience.  In  1870,  Fontane  had  pro- 
nounced Goethe's  conception  of  Egmont,  which  had  been  the 
delight  of  his  youth,  an  atrocity  (Greuel),  an  historic  sin. 
He  admitted  that  a  masterly  portrayal  made  it  acceptable 
on  the  stage  but  said  nevertheless:^ 

"Wer  fiinfzig  Jahre  alt  ist,  Geschichte  gelesen  und  in  sich  auf- 
genommen  hat,  kann  dem  'Heros  deutscher  Nation'  dieses  Attentat 
gegen  eins  der  schonsten  Kapitel  der  Geschichte  der  Menschheit 
nicht  verzeihen." 

There  is  certainly  no  suggestion  here  of  the  principle  of 
molding  judgment  in  accordance  with  the  purpose  of  the 
author,  yet  it  is  a  principle  to  which  Fontane  was  faithful  in 
the  main.  He  does  not  at  any  time  take  exception  to  Schil- 
ler's free  adaptation  of  history  in  "Die  Jungfrau  von  Orleans" 
and  "Maria  Stuart,"  and  in  1880  he  admits  that  even  Egmont 
may  be  made  convincing  by  an  actor  who  really  grasps 
Goethe's  conception  of  this  hero  and  can  give  the  figure  its 
distinctive  historic-romantic  stamp,  the  basic  element  which 
is  its  very  essence."* 

This  condition,  valuable   in  determining  the  worth  of  the 

»  w,  2,  vm,  243  ff.  '  w,  2,  vni,  49  f.,  54  f. 

2  V.  Z.  Feb.  21,  B  I.  <  Ihid. 


43 

critic's  message,  does  not  affect  the  directness  of  his  work  or 
absolve  him  from  a  truthful  expression  of  opinion.  The  duty 
of  criticism  is  to  speak  the  truth,  only  under  exceptional 
conditions  to  perform  the  offices  of  comfort  and  support  ^ 
(1880).  Berlin  criticism  is  in  Fontanels  opinion  miserable  in 
all  its  branches,  lacking  in  spirit  and  not  free  from  restraint  ^ 
(1886).  The  diary  note  in  objection  to  Lindau's  attitude 
toward  "The  Lady  from  the  Sea"  (1889)  is:  "Lindau  weiss 
nicht  recht,  ob  er  loben  oder  tadeln,  bewundern  oder  ver- 
werfen  soil."  There  is  an  indirect  repetition,  too,  (1891)  of 
the  charge  of  lack  of  truth  in  Fontane's  attack  upon  the  un- 
certain fumbling  and  groping  prevalent  among  critics.  He 
writes  to  his  daughter  that  they  are  like  criminals,  afraid  of 
betraying  themselves  before  court  by  something  that  might 
some  time  be  turned  against  them.^ 

The  nature  of  successful  criticism  is  further  defined  by  the 
obligation  which  Fontane  lays  upon  it  to  point  out  the  in- 
trinsic significance  of  a  work,  the  points  in  it  that  make  it 
distinctive  or  valuable.  This  opinion,  taken  from  a  letter 
to  Fontane's  publisher,  Wilhelm  Herz,  was  called  forth  by 
criticisms,  lacking  penetration,  directed  against  his  "Wan- 
derungen,"  and  the  irritation  that  he  felt  led  him  here  to 
a  sweeping  subsequent  statement,  seeming  to  condemn  all 
contemporary  German  criticism.^  The  general  statement  of 
repudiation  may,  however,  be  called  into  question  without 
incriminating  Fontane's  sincerity  in  the  basic  demand  in- 
volved here  for  able  criticism. 

This  demand  is,  indeed,  reflected  repeatedly  in  his  work. 
He  praises  Brahm's  sensitiveness,  insight,  and  style  (1882), 
but  tells  him  that  the  vital  point  is  lacking  in  his  criticism  of 
Paul  Heyse.^    The  passage  referred  to  is  as  follows : 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  38. 

*  W,  2,  XI,  114  —  from  a  letter  to  Moritz  Lazarus  in  which  he  ex- 
presses surprise  that  so  little  notice  is  taken  of  the  Wereschtschagin 
exhibition. 

«  W,  2,  VII,  242.  *  W,  2,  XI,  71  f. 

**  W,  2,  XI,  74  f.  —  It  was  characteristic  of  Fontane  that  beauty  of 
form  could  never  make  him  entirely  insensible  to  a  false  note  in  content. 
Brahm's  essay  (Westermanns   lUustrierte  Monatshefte,  Bd.  53,  S.   246  ff.) 


44 

"Ja,  ich  bin  mit  meinem  Lobe  noch  nicht  fertig,  finde  die  Grund- 
auffassung  Heyses  durchaus  richtig  und  stimme,  wenigstens  vielfach, 
auch  dem  Detail  zu,  das  der  Aufsatz  bringt.  Dies  Wort  'Detail' 
wahr  ich  absichtlich,  weil  ich  das  Wort  'Urteil'  oder  auch  nur  'Ein- 
zelurteil'  vermeiden  mochte.  Sie  sehen  nun  schon,  worauf  ich  hinaus 
will.  Sie  haben  Heyse  sorgfaltig  untersucht  und  der  im  Neben- 
zimmer  angstlich  wartenden  Familie  das  mitgeteilt,  was  diese,  Par- 
don, schon  wusste.  .  .  .  Aber  die  Schliisse  daraus  haben  Sie  nicht 
gezogen  und  haben  der  Familie  nicht  mitgeteilt,  ob  er  leben  oder 
sterben  muss.  Und  darauf  kommt  es  an.  .  .  .  Wir  durfen  von  jedem, 
der  sich  an  Heyse  heranmacht,  ein  persohnliches  Farbebekennen  in 
diesen  wichtigen  Fragen  erwarten  und  verlangen.  ...  In  Ihrem 
Aufsatze  ist  nicht  Liebe,  nicht  Hass.  Sie  sagen  im  einzelnen  eine 
Menge  hiibscher,  geistvoUer,  witziger,  auch  sehr  zutrefifender  Sachen 
.  .  .  aber  das  eigentliche  Wort,  das  Wort,  auf  das  es  ankommt,  wird 
nicht  gesprochen.  Ich  stehe  persohnlich  so  zu  Heyse,  dass  ich  ihn 
fiir  das  grosste,  noch  mehr  fiir  das  reichste  Talent  halte,  das  wir 
zur  Zeit  in  Deutschland  besitzen,  dessen  Bedeutung  aber  durch  einen 
falschen  Tropfen  in  seinem  Blut  immer  wieder  in  Frage  gestellt,  in 
vielen  seinen  Productionen  einfach  vernichtet  wird.  War'  ich  der 
jiingere,  konnt'  ich,  ihn  uberlebend,  in  die  Lage  kommen,  iiber  ihn 
zu  schreiben,  ich  wiird'  ihn  in  meinem  Essay  sehr  hoch  und  sehr 
tief  stellen  und  das  Verkehrte  und  schliesslich  doch  auch  sehr  Unkon- 
sequente  seiner  Lebensanschauungen  und  seines  Liebeskatechismus 
zu  beweisen  suchen.  Heyse,  den  ich  sehr  liebe,  weiss  auch,  dass  ich 
so  liber  ihn  denke." 

An  objection  similar  to  that  brought  against  Brahm  in  this 
particular  essay  Fontane  applies  in  a  more  general  way  to 
Paul  Lindau.  He  writes  (1883)  that  Lindau  is  clever  and 
entertaining,  but  that  in  matters  of  chief  concern  he  often 
fails  to  hit  the  nail  on  the  head.^  Again,  there  is  reference 
to  indistinctness  or  inaptness  in  Fontane's  rejection  (1883) 
of  the  common  tendency  to  put  an  author  in  one  definite 

shows  appreciation  of  Heyse's  art;  it  is  fruitful  of  suggestion  concerning 
Heyse's  pessimistic  philosophy  of  life  and  his  exaltation  of  the  passion 
of  love;  it  does  not  define  what  Fontane  considered  a  fatal  flaw  in 
Heyse's  work,  an  elusive  esthetic  weakness,  —  a  lack  of  organic  harmony, 
due  to  a  circumscribed  conception  of  the  truths  of  life. 
1  W,  2,  VII,  46. 


45 

category  for  all  time,  simply  because  it  is  a  convenient  method 
of  procedure. 

But  direct  treatment  of  salient  and  distinctive  character- 
istics does  not  involve  severity,  the  charge  he  brings  occa- 
sionally against  Paul  Schlenther,  whom  alone  he  names  in 
the  same  class  with  Otto  Brahm  in  points  of  cleverness,  un- 
derstanding, and  style.  He  considers  Schlenther's  judgment 
of  von  Hiilsen's  direction  of  the  Royal  Stage  (Berlin)  and  its 
results  not  entirely  just  (1883),  since  it  fails  to  take  into 
account  the  fact  that  neither  Vienna,  Munich,  Dresden,  nor 
Hamburg  can  show  a  better  sum  total  within  the  two  decades 
previous  to  this  date.^  Fontane  could  not  have  disapproved 
of  the  high  ideal  upheld  in  this  pamphlet,  since  he  kept  an 
unattained  ideal  in  view  constantly  in  his  own  reports.  But 
his  work  shows  throughout  a  full  consideration  of  the  diffi- 
culties involved  in  the  hoped-for  attainment.  He  writes  to 
Schlenther  similarly  (1886)  that  the  art  of  finding  plays  bad 
and  saying  so  in  complimentary  terms  has  not  yet  been  dis- 
covered, but  •  that  he  considers  Schlenther's  judgment  of 
L'Arronge's  ^'Loreley"  nevertheless  more  severe  than  neces- 
sary.2 

In  spite  of  Fontane's  demand  that  criticism  mean  self- 
expression,  the  conviction  is  constantly  apparent  that  it 
may  not  be  used  to  exploit  personal  prejudice  or  to  accrue 
to  personal  advantage.  It  must  be  simply  a  truthful  expo- 
nent of  art.  It  excludes,  therefore,  both  hero-worship  and 
annihilation.^  For  this  same  reason,  notwithstanding  the  high 
valuation  he  puts  on  cleverness,  he  emphasizes  the  point 
that  brilliance  and  wit  can  be  made  nothing  more  than  ac- 

1  The  reference  is  to  Schlenther's  "Botho  v.  Hiilsen  und  seine  Leute." 
—  Fontane  suggests  later  in  the  discussion  of  this  pamphlet  that  th,e 
radical  nature  of  it  indicates  a  desire  on  Schlenther's  part  to  play  some- 
where the  role  of  a  Heinrich  Laube.  It  is  an  interesting  coincidence  that 
Dr.  Schlenther  was  called  in  1898  to  the  position  Laube  had  once  held 
as  theater-director  (W,  2,  VII,  80  f.). 

2  W,  2,  XI,  108  f. 

'  (1889)  He  regrets  Frenzel's  indulgence  in  malice  and  his  extreme 
position  in  regard  to  "The  Lady  from  the  Sea"  (W,  2,  VII,  249;  VIII, 
205). 


46 

cessories  in  criticism.  He  prizes  wit  in  Lindau  (1875),  but 
only  because  he  finds  it  in  connection  with  more  important 
factors  rarely  found  in  unison,  —  good  training  and  good 
sense  (Schulung,  bon  sens)  and  a  wealth  of  happy  ideas.^ 
He  states  (1883)  that  his  reference  to  real  critical  gifts  in 
Blumenthal  does  not  mean  his  wit,  which  is  secondary  in 
criticism.2  He  mentions  wit  (1886)  among  the  critical  assets 
of  Schlenther  and  Brahm,  but  it  is  primarily  the  qualities 
of  judgment,  training,  style,  freedom  from  brutality  and 
caddishness  which  make  them  in  his  opinion  model  critics.* 
In  acknowledging  the  fine  points  in  Otto  Pniower's  criticism 
of  "Irrungen,  Wirrungen,"  he  speaks  (1888)  of  a  happy  change 
in  conditions,  through  which  not  wit  alone  but  the  serious 
pursuit  of  truth  has  come  to  fulfil  the  function  of  the  critic* 
Displeased  (1889)  at  the  superficiality  of  the  press-criticisms 
of  "Vor  Sonnenaufgang,"  he  writes:^ 

"Das  alles  sind  Schimpfereien  und  Ulkereien,  als  Ulke  zum  Teil 
sehr  gut,  aber  auf  das  Eigentlichste  hin  angesehn  oberflachlich  und 
boswillig,  entweder  ohne  jedes  wahre  Kunstverstandnis  geschrieben 
Oder  unter  Zuruckdrangung  aller  besseren  Einsicht.  Es  ist  lacherlich, 
diesen  jungen  Kerl  so  mit  der  landlaufigen  Phrase,  dass  er  auch  ein 
bisschen  Talent  habe,  abspeisen  zu  woUen.  Das  ist  gar  nichts.  'Ein 
bisschen  Talent'  hat  jeder.  Das  kann  man  von  jedem  dritten  Men- 
schen  sagen.    Hauptmann  hat  ein  grosses,  ein  seltenes  Talent." 

The  conscious  parade  of  knowledge  also  is  unnecessary 
and  distasteful  to  Fontane  in  criticism.  Conrad  Alberti's 
sensational  exposition  of  the  points  of  weakness  in  the  man- 
agement of  the  Royal  Stage  (1889)  he  considers  void  of  new 
ideas.  He  expresses  gratitude  that  Minister  von  Gossler  did 
not  summon  him  instead  of  Alberti  for  an  interview  on  the 
problems  of  the  stage,  but  says  that  he  could  have  given 
him  better,  more  natural,  and  truer  suggestions.  This  is  not 
a  revelation  of  strictly  personal  feeling;  Fontane  was  not  jeal- 
ous of  the  honor  shown  to  a  younger  man.     His  magnanim- 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  239.  »  W,  2,  XI,  III  f. 

2  W,  2,  VII,  46.  *  W,  2,  XI,  160. 

5  w,  2,  XI,  222. 


47 

ity  and  his  disinterested  devotion  to  art  show  themselves  in 
a  sympathetic  regard  for  the  ability  of  the  younger  generation 
so  marked  as  to  make  him  a  unique  figure  in  literature;  but 
he  demanded  that  every  approach  to  art  be  sincere,  that 
every  contribution  that  laid  claim  to  artistic  merit  be  the 
expression  of  an  irresistible  impulse,  free  from  utilitarian 
motives.  The  dominant  feeling  in  this  specific  case  is  ex- 
treme irritation  at  the  lack  of  appreciation  of  more  capable 
men.  The  less  spectacular  work  of  Brahm  and  Frenzel  is 
in  Fontanels  opinion  superior  to  that  of  Alberti  in  both  tone  and 
practical  import.^  He  does  not  deny  the  talent  of  Alberti 
and  Bleibtreu,  but  their  ostentatious  assumption  of  superi- 
ority argues  to  him  a  degree  of  self-seeking  incompatible  with 
genuine  inspiration  and  the  true  exposition  of  art  values. 

Other  phases  of  this  parade  of  knowledge,  to  which  Fon- 
tane  objects,  are  what  he  calls  at  one  place  (1886)  the  "Al- 
lesbesserwissen "  of  the  Scherer  school — with  their  tendency 
to  make  philology  the  basis  of  justification;  at  another  place 
(1891),  the  hypersagacity  of  critics  who  probe  after  truth  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  result  is  an  impression  of  utter  lack 
of  truth.2    The  term   4ack  of  truth*   (hochste  Unwahrheit) 

1  W,  2,  XI,  176  ff.  —  The  title  of  Alberti's  book  is  "Ohne  Schminke, 
Wahrheiten  iiber  das  moderne  Theater"  (Leipzig,  1887).  —  Frenzel's 
discussion,  "Die  Zukunft  des  Schauspielhauses "  (cf.  above  p.  17,  n.  i) 
treats  the  long  hegemony  of  the  Royal  Stage  in  Berlin,  the  establishment 
of  a  so-called  folk-stage  in  Berlin  (Belle- Alliance  Theater)  to  encourage 
striving  playwrights  and  actors,  the  beneficial  influence  of  the  Meiningen 
players,  the  strength  of  the  "Deutches  Theater"  in  classic  repertoire, 
1883-88,  the  decline  of  the  Royal  Stage  during  the  same  time  —  in  both 
repertoire  and  the  training  of  actors,  due  to  v.  Hiilsen's  failure  to  ad- 
vance the  younger  actors  and  to  the  death  of  older  favorites.  —  Fontane 
writes  of  Alberti:  "Und  nun  kommt  Alberti,  zunachst  doch  nichts  als 
ein  letzter  Auslaufer  dieser  jetzt  modischen,  breitspurigen,  jugendgriinen 
Weisheit,  und  orakelt  dem  Minister  etwas  vor.  .  .  .  Unter  den  Stiicken, 
die  er  zur  Annahme  empfiehlt,  ist  auch  eins  von  Alberti.  Dabei  trifft 
es  sich  sehr  komisch,  dass  er  —  da  er  bei  der  Aufzahlung  tUchtiger 
dramatischer  Krafte  nach  dem  Buchstaben  ging  —  eigentlich  mit  sich 
selbst  hatte  anfangen  miissen.  Er  hat  aber  doch  Anzengruber  (mit  An) 
seinem  Alberti  (mit  Al)  vorgestellt,  well  ihm  dieser  Vortritt  doch  zu  misslich 
vorkommen  mochte." 

2  W,  2,  XI,    III,  261  f. 


48 

seems  to  mean  here  —  if  this  statement  be  compared  with  others 
concerning  criticism  —  absence  of  that  involuntary  response  to 
the  esthetic  impression,  which  is  the  critic's  basic  requisite. 

Fontane's  judgment  of  what  he  terms  the  academic  ele- 
ment in  criticism  is  at  times,  however,  ill-grounded.  He 
writes  of  Dr.  Schlenther's  lecture  on  Ibsen  (1889)  that  it  is 
clever,  striking  in  parts,  but  not  convincing  (erobernd),  — 
a  little  academic  in  effect.^  This  lecture,  the  purpose  of 
which  was  obviously  to  arouse  intelligent  enthusiasm  for 
Ibsen's  work  in  Vienna,  shows,  in  fact,  nothing  more  than  a 
skilful  union  of  appreciative  criticism  with  the  necessary 
background  of  fact  and  a  clear,  brief  exposition  of  content. 
Another  instance  of  Fontane's  antipathy  to  anything  smack- 
ing of  learned  criticism  is  his  failure  to  recognize  the  purpose 
of  Max  Nordau  in  "Einiges  liber  Schillers  Don  Carlos" 
(1896).  Nordau's  intention  was  distinctly  not  an  apprecia- 
tion of  Schiller's  art  or  a  study  of  the  structure  of  the  drama, 
but  a  discussion  of  the  influences  bearing  upon  the  work  in 
the  process  of  production.^  Fontane's  comment  on  Nordau's 
articles  is  distinctly  unsympathetic  in  spite  of  his  admission 
that,  if  he  remembers  correctly,  Brahm's  book  on  Schiller 
contains  similar  points: 

"Mit  Shakespeare  macht  er  nicht  Umstande,  und  Schiller  kommt 
auch  nur  noch  gerade  mit  'nam  blauen  Auge  davon.  Liest  man  das 
alles,  so  erscheint  einem  Schiller  wie  der  Drucker,  Herausgeber,  und 
Gesamtredakteur  des  'Friesacker  Anzeigers,'  der  seinen  'Don  Carlos* 
aus  damaligen  Zeitungsnotizen  zusammen  geklebt  hat.  Was  wir 
jetzt  im  'Don  Carlos'  haben,  ist  danach  ein  dramatisierter  Leit- 
faden  zur  Zeitgeschichte  von  1770  bis  1790,  Salat,  Kompendiumge- 
mengsel.  Nordau  erkennt  nicht  mal  an,  dass  Schiller,  das  Mindeste 
zu  sagen,  wenigstens  mit  einer  vorzuglichen  Wurstmaschine  gear- 
beitet  hat." 

1  W,  2,  XI,  183  f.  This  lecture  appeared  in  Zur  guten  Stunde  (1889), 
203  f. 

2  Among  these  influences  Nordau  considers  the  episode  of  the  Diamond 
Necklace,  enthusiasm  for  Shakspere,  and  certain  character  types  from  the 
Shakspere  histories,  such  as  the  tyrant,  the  court-intriguer,  the  pathetic 
prince  {V.  Z.  Dec.  18-20,  1896).  —  Fontane's  comments  are  found 
W,  2,  XI,  406  ff. 


49 

Fontane's  own  aim  in  criticism  may  be  inferred  from  his 
judgment  of  the  work  of  others  as  treated  up  to  this  point. 
He  makes  in  addition  various  scattered  confessions  in  regard 
to  his  work  and  his  fitness  for  it.  His  first  important  refer- 
ence to  his  own  critical  qualities  occurs  in  the  correspondence 
with  the  actor,  Maximilian  Ludwig,  concerning  his  adverse 
verdict  against  the  role  of  Uriel  Acosta.  He  asserts  here 
(1873)  that  he  is  justified  in  his  metier  by  fineness  of  feeling 
and  a  sense  for  art ;  that  he  has  unconditional  faith  in  the 
correctness  of  his  impressions  (Empfindung);  and  that  if 
this  were  not  the  case  he  would  lay  down  the  critic's 
pen.i  He  is  conscious,  therefore,  of  possessing  what  to 
him  is  the  fundamental  requisite  for  this  branch  of  his 
work. 

This  statement  of  confidence,  although  not  restricted,  was 
made  to  bear  directly  upon  literature  and  can  hardly  be 
applied  to  other  forms  of  art.  Dr.  Schlenther  says  of  Fon- 
tane,  to  be  sure,  that  his  critical  impulse  found  expression 
through  the  medium  of  the  theater  simply  because  this 
avenue  for  income  opened  to  him,  an  opinion  based  partly 
upon  the  readiness  with  which  he  had  agreed  to  contribute 
art  reports  to  the  Kreuzzeitung,  partly  upon  the  fact 
that  the  stage  was  to  him  only  one  of  several  places  where 
life  might  be  portrayed  in  artistic  form.^  This  opinion  Fon- 
tane's correspondence  substantiates  to  a  certain  degree;  his 
published  letters  to  friends  contain  discussions  of  picture 
galleries  as  detailed  as  those  of  books,  and  the  unpublished 
letters  from  Italy  to  his  wife  indicate  a  keener  interest  in 
art  than  in  literature.  But  a  nature  deeply  sensitive  to  art 
in  any  form  is  likely  to  respond  with  something  of  a  thrill 
to  all  its  forms,  and  the  interest  in  plastic  art  is  naturally 
uppermost  in  the  course  of  a  limited  sojourn  in  Italy.  More- 
over, Fontane  confesses  at  one  point  that  he  felt  less  confi- 
dence in  his  judgment  of  art  than  in  that  of  the  stage.  He 
wrote  to  Karl  Zollner  from  Naples  (1874)  that  he  should  on 

1  W,  2,  X,  308  f. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  Vorwbrt,  VI 


50 

his   return   have   to   be  wary   in   expressing   an  opinion   on 
painting :  ^ 

"In  die  Heimat  zuruckgekehrt,  werde  ich  meine  Zunge  sehr  hiiten 
mussen,  auch  schon  deshalb,  weil  ich  selber  sehr  wohl  empfinde,  dass 
es  mir  nach  einer  ganz  bestimmten  Seite  hin  an  etwas  sehr  Wesent- 
lichem  gebricht,  was  mein  Urteil  einseitig  und  ungerecht  macht. 
Lagen  die  Dinge  giinstiger,  so  wiirde  ich  mich  mit  einem  wahren 
Feuereifer  in  diese  Fragen  stiirzen  und  in  einem  Tone  losgehen  wie 
etwa  iiber  die  Iphigenie  der  Frau  Erhartt." 

In  Fontane's  last  year  as  critic  of  the  Royal  Theater  sev- 
eral expressions  of  lack  of  confidence  in  his  ability  occur. 
He  writes  (Jan.  19)  —  again  to  ZoUner  —  in  connection  with 
the  Alberti  discussion  that  he  doubts  his  judgment  at  times, 
but  only  temporarily,  that  he  is  usually  so  sure  of  himself 
that  he  might  be  classed  in  this  respect  with  the  Albertis  and 
Bleibtreus.2  To  his  daughter  he  writes  (Apr.  13)  that  he 
feels  enviable  confidence  as  a  rule  in  his  judgment  of  novels, 
stories,  and  poems,  but  that  he  often  experiences  difficulty 
in  judging  a  new  play,  especially  as  it  appeals  to  him  from 
the  stage.  The  examples  which  he  cites  in  this  instance 
prove,  however,  that  he  is  writing  under  the  sway  of  an  ex- 
treme mood.  Such  a  statement  as  that  he  sees  hardly  any 
difference  between  "Iphigenie,"  "Des  Meeres  und  der  Liebe 
Wellen,"  "Die  Weisheit  Salomos"  and  "Nausikaa"  is  capable 
of  no  other  interpretation.^ 

Over  against  this  testimony  must  be  set  the  facts  of  his 
stand  against  Schlenther  and  Brahm  in  some  points  of 
Ibsen  criticism,  and  his  direct  and  definite  response  to  the 
dramas  of  Gerhart  Hauptmann.  Brahm,  reporting  on  the  first 
performance  of  "Ghosts"  in  Berlin  (Jan.  1887)  and  the  aston- 
ishment of  even  some  of  the  freest  thinkers  at  the  revolt 
in   esthetics    which  this    play   represents,    said    of    Fontane : 

^  W,  2,  X,  347.  —  Fr.  Erhartt  was  one  of  the  actresses  of  the  Royal 
Theater. 

'  Cf.  above,  p.  47,  n.  i. 

'  W,  2,  VII,  193  f.  —  On  "Die  Weisheit  Salomos"  cf.  above,  p.  42; 
"Nausikaa"  (Hermann  Schreyer)  was  criticized  by  Fontane  as  undra- 
matic  (V.  Z.  Apr.  13,  1889,  B  i). 


51 

"Ich  sehe  mich  noch  mit  dem  alten  Weisen,  Theodor  Fon- 
tane,  streitend  durch  die  Strassen  irren,  um  das  Residenz- 
theater  herum."  ^  Fontane  was  evidently  not  to  be  won 
unconditionally  for  Ibsen.  He  wrote  (Aug.  1889)  that  Schlen- 
ther  and  Brahm  lacked  maturity  (Reife)  in  their  judg- 
ment of  Ibsen's  treatment  of  the  marriage  problem.^  A  few 
months  later  in  discussing  Gerhart  Hauptmann  (Oct.  22),  his 
art,  his  understanding  of  structure  and  general  dramatic 
technic,  he  wrote  that  *  he  himself  had  perhaps  more  insight 
into  the  questions  connected  with  Hauptmann's  work  than 
other  critics.  The  only  conclusion  to  draw  is  that  neither 
individuality  nor  self-confidence  was  on  the  verge  of  annihi- 
lation in  Fontane  even  when  he  gave  up  his  regular  activity 
as  critic. 

The  first  demand  that  Fontane  made  of  a  critic,  the 
involuntary  response  to  an  esthetic  impression,  he  con- 
sidered absolute  —  in  so  far  as  anything  is  absolute  —  and 
he  felt  that  this  faculty  of  correct  sensibility  had  been  laid 
in  his  cradle  at  birth.^  But  he  realized  also  that  a  critic 
might  possess  this  absolute  essential,  which  is  or  is  not  within 
him,  irrespective  of  zeal  or  cultivation,  and  yet  fail  to  some 
extent  in  his  work.  A  critic  cannot  exist  without  the  esthetic 
sense,  but  it  is  the  union  of  this  sense  with  the  ability  to 
explain  esthetic  impressions  that  produces  able  criticism.  In 
regard  to  this  relative  factor  of  explanation,  Fontane  was 
always  conscious  of  weakness  in  himself.  He  practically 
admits  such  a  shortcoming  (1873)  in  the  correspondence  with 
Maximilian  Ludwig,  referred  to  before,^  and  earlier  than  this 
(187 1 )  he  disclaims  looking  upon  his  opinion  as  the  final 
word:  ^ 

^  Otto  Brahm,  "Kritische  Schriften  uber  Drama  und  Theater,"  hrsg. 
V.  Paul  Schlenther  (Berlin,  1913).  —  The  performance  of  "Ghosts," 
referred  to  here,  was  at  the  Residenz  Theater  in  Berlin.  The  argument  in 
question  probably  occurred  in  an  intermission. 

2  W,  2,  XI,  207.  3  w^  2,  X,  308  f.;    cf.  above,  p.  49. 

*  Ibid. 

«*  W,  2,  VIII,  419;  additional,  V.  Z.  Oct.  3,  B  2;  this  citation  is  in 
connection  with  grateful  recognition  of  a  successful  ensemble  performance 
of  Heyse's  "Elisabeth  Charlotte." 


52 

"Denn  die  Anmassung  liegt  mir  fern,  mich  als  eine  letzte,  unfehl- 
bare  Instanz  anzusehn,  von  der  aus  kein  Appell  an  Hoheres  denkbar 
ist.  Wer  mich  aufmerksam  liest,  wird  deshalb  in  steter  Wiederkehr 
Aeusserungen  finden  wie  etwa:  'es  will  mir  scheinen',  *ich  hatte 
den  Eindruck',  'ich  gebe  anheim'.  Das  ist  nicht  die  Sprache  eines 
absoluten  Besserwissers." 

Twenty  years  of  experience,  and  the  fact  that  he  had  in  the 
meantime  been  asked  to  act  as  critic  for  the  performances 
of  the  Deutsches  Theater  ^  and  of  the  French  players  ^  seem 
to  have  effected  little  change  in  his  opinion  of  his  own  powers. 
He  writes  to  his  daughter  (1891)  that  he  never  considered 
himself  a  great  critic,  that  in  knowledge  and  keenness  he  is 
far  inferior  to  such  men  as  Brahm,  but  that  his  directness 
and  honesty  at  least  must  have  been  refreshing  to  his 
readers.^  The  term  'knowledge'  might  mean  here  a  wider 
acquaintance  with  literature,  due  to  wider  experience  or 
university  training,  since  both  Schlenther  and  Brahm  were 
university  men.  The  term  'keenness'  can  have  to  do  only 
with  ability  in  exposition,  in  answering  the  question  ''Why" 
in  regard  to  sensations  and  impressions. 

However  Fontane  may  have  felt  about  this  element  in  his 
work,  he  was  undoubtedly  freer  than  most  critics  from  some 
qualities  that  limit  esthetic  insight  and  render  improbable  a 
just  and  open  verdict.  Neither  personal  prejudice  nor  a 
tendency  to  blinding  enthusiasm  enters  into  his  criticism. 
He  says  (1873)  that  he  is  free  from  the  worship  of  names 
and  from  following  the  cult  of  literary  heroes;  ^  (1875)  that 
antagonisms  are  far  from  his  nature.  His  admiration  could 
mount  to  a  high  level  of  enthusiasm  without  drowning  the 
sound  of  the  steady  inner  voice  that  pronounced  esthetic 
verdicts,  as  in  the  cases  of  Schiller,  Otto  Ludwig,  Ibsen, 
Hauptmann,  Holz,  and  Schlaf.  His  condemnation  could  be 
severe  without  any  attempt  at  annihilation,  as  in  the  case  of 
Lubliner's    "Gabriele,"    Brachvogel's    "Narziss,"    Gutzkow's 

^  1883;  cf.  above,  p.  17. 

2  Cf.  V.  Z.  1874,  '77,  '78,  '79  (Jan.-Apr.);  these  numbers  contain  his 
reports  on  the  French  players  in  Berlin;    cf.  above,  p.  xvii. 

3  W,  2.  VII.  242  S.  *  W.  2,  X,  308. 


53 

"Uriel  Acosta,"  and  Scribe's  "Les  doigts  de  fee."i  This 
does  not  mean  that  he  never  condemned  absolutely.  He 
could  not  have  performed  ably  the  function  of  criticizing  the 
plays  produced  on  the  Royal  Stage  between  1870  and  1889 
without  doing  so.  There  are  frequent  expressions  of  regret 
from  him  that  blame  outweighs  praise  in  his  work.  But  the 
absolute  rejection  of  plays  that  he  attempted  to  criticize 
seriously  at  all  is  rare.  He  writes  of  von  Mosenthal's  ''Sirene," 
for  instance: 2 

"Das  Stiick  ist  nicht  schlecht,  es  fullt  seinen  Abend,  aber  es  ist 
schlimmer  als  schlecht,  es  ist  trivial.  Trivial  in  der  Idee,  trivial  in 
den  Characteren,  trivial  in  der  Sprache.  Ich  mochte  noch  hinzu- 
setzen:  trivial  auch  in  der  Gesinnung.  Dazu  auch  hier  wieder  die 
Wahrnehmung,  dass  die  Gestalten,  die  uns  das  Leben  schildern  soUen, 
nicht  aus  dem  Leben  setter,  sondern  aus  dritter  respective  siebenter 
Hand  genommen  sind,  aus  dem  alten  elenden  Bestande  herkommlicher, 
vielleicht  nie  wahrgewesener  Biihnenfiguren.  ..." 

Again,  of  Moser's  "Reflexe":^ 

"Wie  kann  man  dergleichen  schreiben,  vor  allem  wie  kann  man 
dergleichen  auffiihren!  .  .  .  Wohin  sind  wir  gekommen?  Und  wir 
glauben,  uns  titer  franzosische  Ehetruchsstucke  moquiren  zu  durfen. 
Dies  ist  ja  alles  viel  bedenklicher.    Und  dabei  hohl,  hohl.  .  .  ." 

The  usual  course,  however,  in  his  reports  is  the  consideration 
of  vulnerable  as  well  as  commendable  points  in  the  master- 
pieces of  master-minds,  or  the  recognition  of  promise,  however 
slight  it  may  be,  in  the  work  of  the  untrained,  unpolished 
playwright,  the  acknowledgment,  in  works  that  could  by  no 
means  be  ranked  as  art,  of  any  bits  capable  of  use  in  a  more 
perfect  structure. 

Work  based  upon  such  foundations  was  naturally  not 
taken  lightly.  Dr.  Schlenther  testifies  that  no  one  was  ever 
admitted    to    Fontane    when    a    criticism    was    in    progress.* 

1  The  criticisms  referred  to  here  are  found  W,  2,  VIII;  the  references 
in  order  of  mention  are  as  follows:  61  f.,  148  ff.,  180-193  ff-.  300-310  ff., 
313  ff.,  277  flf.,  170,  143  ff.,  112  ff. 

2  V.  Z.  Dec.  IS,  1874,  B  I. 

»  F.  Z.  Jan.  3,  1878,  B  3.  «  w,  2,  VIII,  Vorwort,  IV. 


54 

Fontane  himself  confesses  that  it  was  a  serious  matter,  that 
he  often  asked  himself  the  question  whether  he  could  be  re- 
sponsible for  what  he  wrote.^  Even  the  casual  reader  of  the 
**Causerien  iiber  Theater"  will  be  impressed  with  the  fact 
that  cases  of  testing  a  previous  verdict  are  frequent  in  criti- 
cism both  of  dramatic  composition  and  of  stage  portrayal. 
The  critic  says  with  gratitude,  for  example,  of  Adolf  Klein's 
impersonation  that  it  proves  his  own  demands  neither  false 
nor  unreasonable.^ 

Fontane  recognized,  furthermore,  from  the  beginning,  the 
peculiar  difficulty  involved  in  worthy  and  just  criticism  of 
the  acted  drama.  He  writes  (1873)  that  a  play  makes  a  new 
claim  on  a  critic  every  moment  and  gives  no  time  to  test 
subtle  points  for  the  explanation  of  shortcomings.^  In  the  ex- 
treme statement  to  his  daughter  (1889)  in  regard  to  his  lack 
of  discrimination  at  times  in  judging  a  drama,  the  difficulty  lies 
in  the  acted  play  and  in  following  and  estimating  quickly  the 
importance  of  details.  The  introduction  to  his  criticism 
of  "Vor  Sonnenaufgang "  indicates  that  for  him  there  was 
a  problem  in  every  scene,  since  he  did  not  take  the  easier 
course  of  denunciation  or  of  unreserved  praise.^  The  fact 
that  there  was  a  wide  gulf  frequently  between  his  high  ideal 
and  the  dramatic  or  histrionic  attainment  with  which  he  had 
to  deal,  did  not  tend  to  decrease  the  burden  of  his  under- 
taking. Again  and  again  the  note  of  sense  of  duty  occurs; 
and  duty  for  the  critic  meant  to  Fontane  —  as  is  obvious  from 
this  discussion  —  the  conscientious  application  of  esthetic  and 
intellectual  faculties,  with  no  thought  of  personal  advantage, 
n  reporting  truth. 

"Ich    bin    nicht    dazu  da,    ofentliche    Billetdoux    zu    schreiben' 

sondern   die   Wahrheit   zu  sagen   oder   das,   was   mir  als   Wahrheit 
scheint."  ^ 

1  W,  2,  X,  308.  3  w,  2,  VIII,  420. 

2  W,    2,    VIII,    371  f.  '   W,    2,    VIII,    300. 

5    W,    2,    VIII,    419    (1871). 


CHAPTER   III 

Fontane's  Practical  Suggestions  for  the  Elevation  of 

THE  Stage 

"Den  hochsten  Anlauf  .  .  .  nahm  die  Menschennatur,  als  sie  einen 
gothischen  Dom  in  seiner  VoUendung  dachte.  Aber  er  ist  ein  Ideal  ge- 
blieben  und  mit  Recht;  denn  das  VoUendete  muss  unvoUendet  bleiben. 
Die  fertigen  gotischen  Dome  sind  nicht  vollendet  und  die  vollendeten  sind 
nicht  feriig."  —  Th.  Fontane  (W,  2,  VI,  9  f.). 

Every  serious  critic  is  to  some  degree  an  educator.  This 
is  especially  true  of  the  critic  whose  work  includes  a  construct- 
ive as  well  as  a  destructive  element;  nor  does  the  statement 
involve  unquestioned  acceptance  of  the  principles  according 
to  which  he  would  build.  The  very  negation  of  existing 
conditions  and  the  suggestion  of  substitutes  arouse  the  criti- 
cal attitude  in  others,  and  affect  public  sentiment  —  if  only 
indirectly. 

The  worth  of  both  the  destructive  and  the  constructive  in 
Fontane's  criticism  has  been  largely  overlooked.  His  work 
has  been  considered  primarily  a  record  of  impressions  upon 
a  rather  erratic  plate,  and  therefore  of  value  chiefly  as  a 
revelation  of  an  original  and  versatile  personality.  Richard 
M.  Meyer  says  that  in  the  "Causerien"  it  is  only  human 
beings  —  especially  the  actors  themselves  —  that  interest  the 
writer,!  although  he  redeems  the  statement  by  an  addition 
to  the  effect  that  where  actual  people  are  portrayed  (as  in 
Ibsen  and  Hauptmann),  or  where  the  result  falls  short  of  the 
intention  to  present  real  life,  Fontane  rarely  erred  in  a  time 
practically  blind  to  such  distinctions.  Otto  Ernst  alone  gives 
him  definite  rank  in  the  unequivocal  assertion,  unsupported, 

1  Richard  M.  Meyer,  **Die  deutsche  Literatur  des  19.  Jahrhunderts," 
3.  umgearbeitete  Auflage  (Berlin,  1906),  556. 


56 

however,  by  facts  or  proofs,  that  he  is  the  most  important 
critic  of  the  theater  that  Germany  has  had  since  Lessing.^ 

Even  casual  reading  of  the  two  men  reveals  these  striking 
points  of  similarity,  with  whatever  differences  in  tempera- 
ment, purpose,  and  conditions  they  may  be  attended:  both 
were  ardent  believers  in  the  worth  of  art;  both  were  imbued 
with  a  passion  for  truth;  both  brought  to  their  work  a 
spirit  of  admirable  patriotism;  both  united  in  their  work 
the  destructive  and  constructive  elements. 

Destruction  may  rest  entirely  on  a  basis  of  theory.  Con- 
struction may  be  largely  theoretical,  but  in  order  to  be 
enduring  it  must  take  into  consideration  practice  as  well. 
Fontane's  constructive  criticism  has  to  do,  like  Lessing's,  with 
both;  but  his  methods  are  altogether  different.  He  found 
a  strong  basic  theory  adapted  to  German  drama  already  in 
existence.  This  he  accepted  for  the  most  part  without  any 
show  of  opposition,  although  it  was  not  his  belief  that  any 
generation  could  establish  an  unalterable  law  for  all  time. 
His  constructive  work  is  limited  to  improvement  and  exten- 
sion, to  the  perfection  of  harmony  between  the  various  parts, 
and  to  the  development  of  detail.  He  could  not  call  dramas 
into  being  to  illustrate  his  principles,  as  did  Lessing;  but 
keeping  the  vision  of  a  new  national  drama  and  a  powerful 
national  stage  before  him,  he  made  continuous  suggestions 
for  changes  in  scene,  in  general  structure,  in  the  dramatic  or 
poetic  conception  of  a  play,  and  for  the  performance  of  wor- 
thy plays  according  to  the  ideas  of  the  author.  The  scope 
of  these  suggestions  becomes  apparent  only  by  separating 
scattered  bits  from  their  context  and  massing  them  together. 
Then  only  are  the  full  proportions  of  the  ideal  toward  which 
he  worked  revealed:  the  disinterested  co-operation  of  writer, 
director,  actors,  and  public  in  behalf  of  a  complete  whole. 

His  message  to  the  public,  most  severe  of  all,  is  almost 
entirely  one  of  denunciation  for  pleasure  in  the  mediocre 
and  for  failure,  therefore,  to  appreciate  and  demand  the 
best. 

*  Otto  Ernst  (Schmidt),  "Bliihender  Lorbeer"  (Leipzig,  1910),  18. 


57 

Lacking  an  esthetic  standard  by  which  to  judge,  the  audi- 
ence shows  no  discrimination  between  the  typical  and  the 
individual  in  interpretation;  between  the  external  and  the 
internal  in  the  portrayal  of  passion;  between  mere  tempo- 
rary effect  and  consistent  natural  motivation.  They  accept 
affectation  for  reality;  sentimentality  for  power.  They  are 
ruled  by  prejudice  or  by  prevailing  sentiment.  Fontane 
writes  of  Wlinzer's  portrayal  of  Louis  XIV  in  Heyse's  ''Eli- 
sabeth Charlotte"  and  of  the  attitude  of  the  public:^ 

"Wem  die  Palme  des  Abends  geblihrt,  ist  nicht  leicht  zu  ent- 
scheiden;  wir  meinen  indess  Herrn  Wiinzer  als  Ludwig  dem  XIV. 
Wir  sprechen  dies  um  so  lieber  aus,  als  Herr  Wiinzer  im  Allgemeinen 
nicht  das  fragwurdige  Gltick  hat,  zu  den  Liebhngen  des  Publikums 
zu  gehoren.  O  Publikum.  —  Eine  so  glanzende  Leistung,  dass  Herr 
Wiinzer  nach  jeder  einzelnen  Scene  Anspruch  auf  Beifall  und  Her- 
vorruf  gehabt  hatte,  aber  Herr  Wiinzer  steht  nicht  auf  der  Liste 
derer,  die,  sie  mogen  spielen  wie  sie  wollen,  unter  alien  Umstanden 
beklatscht  werden  miissen.  Ein  einziges  Mai  regten  sich  zwei 
Hande  und  ihr  leiser  verschamter  Klang  halite,  beinah  komisch, 
durch  das  stumm  verbleibende  Haus.  Diese  zwei  Hande  gehorten 
dem  Unterzeichneten." 

Spectators  lack  all  sense  of  responsibility  as  to  their  part 
in  the  maintenance  of  art.  That  writers,  directors,  and  ac- 
tors are  influenced  by  the  decadent  taste  and  even  cater  to 
it  Fontane  indicates  in  his  criticism  of  Lubliner's  "Ga- 
briele"  (1878),  in  large  part  an  imaginative  description  of 
how  Lubliner  and  modern  writers  of  his  type  proceed;  ^  be- 
ginning perhaps  with  an  extremely  effective  original  sketch, 
they  add  extraneous  elements  to  appeal  to  popular  favor 
until  eventually  half  of  the  initial  charm  must  be  sacrificed 
in  order  to  give  the  whole  some  ultimate  form.  Fontane 
expresses  surprise  (1881)  in  a  letter  to  Hertz  that  he  has  heard 
nothing  concerning  a  presentation  of  Heyse's  "Weiber  von 
Schorndorf."  The  public,  he  adds,  demands  in  a  play  either 
love  or  a  question  of  the  day.^ 

1  V.  Z.  Oct.  3,  1871,  B  2. 

2  w,  2,  VHI,  277  £. 

3  W,  2,  XI,  30. 


58 

They  fail  either  to  appreciate  the  national  element  in  such 
a  playwright  as  Benedix,  or  to  give  the  support  to  real  art 
that  would  call  forth  writers  of  higher  rank.  In  a  report  on 
"Der  Traum  ein  Leben"  (1889)  Fontane  makes  the  state- 
ment that  an  increased  demand  and  longing  for  real  poetry 
would  again  produce  such  poets  as  Grillparzer.^ 

Fontane's  demand  of  the  public  is  not  exorbitant.  He 
realizes  (1881)  that  it  is  not  possible  to  raise  millions  of 
people  to  the  height  of  esthetic  appreciation  of  art,  but  it  is 
reasonable  to  ask  of  them  a  distinction  between  sense  and 
nonsense.2  There  is  undoubtedly  personal  feeling,  a  reflec- 
tion of  personal  experience,  in  part,  in  his  vehement  words 
from  1886.3 

"In  den  Augen  des  grossen  Publikums  kann  der  Dichter  nie 
genug  hungern;  es  ist  sozusagen  seine  Spezialitat,  und  je  fester  der 
Schmachtriemen  ihm  angezogen  wird,  desto  reiner  seine  Lyrik.  .  .  . 
Bessere  Dichterzeiten  als  am  Versailler  und  Weimarer  Hofe  hat  es 
nie  gegeben,  und  die  jetzt  existierende  Abhangigkeit  vom  Geschmacke 
des  Publikums  oder  wohl  gar  von  den  Launen  eines  die  Hand  krampf- 
haft  auf  dem  Beutel  haltenden  Buchhandlers  ist  keineswegs  ein 
Idealzustand  daneben." 

But  sixteen  years  of  regular  contact  with  the  audiences  of 
the  Royal  Theater,  and  of  observation  of  the  taste  they 
manifested,  are  behind  these  words  as  well. 

In  Fontane's  suggestions  to  writers,  the  theoretical  and  the 
practical  are  present  in  fairly  equal  proportions.  It  is  con- 
venient here,  however,  in  order  to  avoid  confusion  and  repe- 
tition, to  attempt  a  separation  of  the  two  elements,  to  bar 
for  the  present  details  which  have  to  do  more  particularly 
with  theory,  and  to  consider  here  only  the  influence  Fontane 
endeavors  to  exert  on  directing  the  current  of  production 
into  what  he  believes  to  be  proper  channels. 

It  may  be  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  he  kept  in  mind 
the  diflaculties  involved  in  play-making  that  his  attitude  is 

1  W,  2,  vni,  109. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  172.    (From  report  on  Brachvogel's  "Narziss.") 

3  W,    2,    VIII,    165  f. 


59 

rarely  one  of  absolute  repudiation.  It  is  no  doubt  due  in 
part  also  to  his  pronounced  predilection  for  the  distinctive 
element,  or  for  discovering  the  basis  for  this  element,  in 
things  to  the  general  observer  not  more  than  ordinary.  He 
writes  (187 1)  in  his  report  on  a  one-act  play  by  von  Putlitz 
C'Zwei  Tassen"):' 

"Man  wird  einraumen  .  .  .,  es  ist  ein  sehr  kleiner  Stoff,  aber  er 
ist  nicht  so  klein,  dass  er  nicht  hinreissend  sein  konnte.  Ja,  wir 
erklaren  offen,  dass  wir  fiir  solche  Kleinigkeiten  eine  ganz  besondere 
Vorliebe  haben,  wenn  das,  was  nun  endlich  da  ist,  uns  als  etwas  in 
seiner  Art  Perfektes  beriihrt." 

It  is,  indeed,  only  reasonable  to  expect  in  Fontanels  dra- 
matic criticism  traces  of  a  fondness  for  detail  that  is  evident 
throughout  other  branches  of  his  prose  work.  This  quality 
reveals  itself  in  almost  every  page  of  the  "  Wanderungen " 
and  determines  to  some  extent  his  method  in  narrative.^ 

But  Fontane's  recognition  of  plays  involving  little  art  is 
due  also  to  his  belief  that  the  theater  should  afford  enter- 
tainment as  well  as  elevation,  and  that  the  German  reper- 
toire was  lacking  in  this  respect.  His  personal  preferences 
were  not  in  the  line  of  the  amusement  play.  He  writes 
(1871):^ 

1  V.  Z.  Oct.  12,  B  2. 

2  It  is  Fontane's  ability  to  charm  and  hold  his  readers  through  the 
commonplace  occurrences  of  life  to  which  Otto  Ernst  refers  when  he  says 
that  he  read  to  the  sixteenth  chapter  of  "Cecile"  before  he  noticed  that 
nothing  had  happened  {op.  cit.,  17).  Fontane  himself  says  of  his  narra- 
tive work  (W,  2,  VII,  80):  "wer  auf  plots  und  grosse  Geschehnisse  wartet, 
ist  verloren.  Fur  solche  Leute  schreib'  ich  nicht."  As  a  rule  things  do 
not  happen  in  Fontane's  narratives  as  in  a  novel  of  clear,  structural 
outline;  "Irrungen,  Wirrungen"  and  "Effi  Briest"  have  a  compelling 
human  appeal  that  holds  the  reader  without  any  striking  external  struc- 
ture of  which  he  is  conscious.  In  "Der  Stechlin"  the  unifying  principle  is 
the  personality  of  the  central  figure;  "Vor  dem  Sturm"  Julius  Rodenberg 
termed  a  series  of  prose  ballads,  and  so  fine  was  the  implication  of  lack  of 
general  unity  of  the  usual  kind  involved  in  this  term  that  Fontane  him- 
self understood  for  the  first  time  what  others  had  meant  by  the  charge 
of  loose  construction  brought  against  the  novel  (cf.  W,  2,  X,  407  ff.). 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  71  f. — This  report  is  a  grateful  acknowledgment  of 
"Die  Piccolomini." 


60 

"Kleines,  Abziehendes,  Zerstreuendes  darf  sich  nicht  nur  ein- 
mischen,  es  soil  es  sogar,  aber  es  darf  in  der  Rang-  und  Stufenleiter 
der  Dinge  dadurch  nichts  verandert,  es  diirfen  die  Ideale  nicht  auf- 
gegeben  werden.  .  .  .  nach  langer  Herrschaft  des  Burlesken  . .  .  steigt 
eben  jetzt  wieder  die  Flut,  und  die  Sehnsucht  wachst,  aus  der  elenden 
Flachheit  herauszukommen.  Wie  jeder  in  unsern  Tagen  ein  Verlangen 
in  sich  tragt,  im  Juli  und  August  einen  Trunk  Bergluft  zu  tun,  so 
ist  auch  ein  Verlangen  da,  in  Wintertagen  einen  frischen  Trunk 
Schiller  zu  tun." 

In  a  report  on  Gottschall's  ''Pitt  and  Fox"  (1878),  he  de- 
clares his  unit  of  measurement  changed  by  the  demands  of 
experience;  but  the  context  shows  that  this  change  does  not 
affect  his  taste,^  that  from  the  point  of  view  of  art  this  play 
is  still  to  him  only  tolerable.  It  was  his  method,  however  — 
a  method  in  accordance  with  his  requirements  for  criticism 
and  with  his  belief  that  the  public  were  influential  in  deter- 
mining the  standard  of  the  stage  —  to  study  the  reason  for 
the  success  of  plays  which  made  no  appeal  to  him.  He 
writes  of  ''Uriel  Acosta"  and  "Narziss,"  which  were  to  him 
the  betes  noires  of  German  dramatic  literature :  ^ 

"...  nichtsdestoweniger  sohn'  ich  mich,  ohne  meine  Bedenken 
aufzugeben,  mit  beiden  Stiicken  aus,  je  haufiger  ich  sie  sehe.  Ich 
finde  mehr  und  mehr  den  Grund,  warum  sie  wirken,  wirken  miissen, 
und  tout  comprendre,  c'est  tout  pardonner.  Objectiv  haben  sie  gar 
keine  Berechtigung." 

In  the  light  of  these  considerations,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
Fontane  does  not  bar  the  farce  from  the  Royal  Stage,  but  is 
satisfied  with  hedging  it  about  with  conditions.  Similarly, 
although  he  recognizes  Moser's  emptiness,^  he  gives  him  the 
honor  of  founding  a  new  German  type,  the  amusement  play.^ 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  166  f. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  170. 

3  V.  Z.  Jan.  3,  1877,  B  3. 

*  V.  Z.  Dec.  I,  1883.  —  Reference  to  p.  14-15,  n.  i  shows  that 
Moser's  hold  on  the  Royal  Stage  was  strong  during  Fontane's  activity 
as  reporter.  Fontane  mentions  him  {V.  Z.  Mar.  i,  1882,  B  i)  with 
Bauernfeld,  Birch-PfeiflFer,  and  Benedix  as  having  become  the  "eiserner 
Bestand,  ein  Lustspiel-Grundkapital  unserer  Biihne."     His  criticism  re- 


61 

The  demand  of  the  time  accounts  also  for  the  fact  that 
Fontane's  general  practical  suggestions  to  writers  —  the  only 
ones  to  be  considered  in  this  chapter  —  are  almost  entirely 
to  writers  of  comedy  and  farce.  The  new  national  type, 
for  which  he  saw  immediate  need,  was  a  type  to  combat 
the  influence  and  popularity  of  the  French  society  play.  He 
felt  keenly  the  lack  of  the  German  stage  in  light  but  not 
trivial  comedy  with  a  distinctly  national  flavor  in  its  tone 
and  trend  of  thought  (Gesinnung),  and  with  a  refreshing 
element  of  genuine  humor.  He  recognized  in  Lessing,  Goethe, 
Schiller,  Kleist,  Grillparzer,  and  Otto  Ludwig  a  tragedy 
that  was  national  in  spirit  and  that  met  in  many  respects 
the  sternest  artistic  requirements;  but  German  comedy  was 
deficient.  Even  ''Minna  von  Barnhelm"  seemed  to  him  in 
spite  of  its  charm,  too  much  a  mirror  of  a  certain  period  ^ 
to  make  a  strong  appeal  to  the  audience  of  his  day.  "Der 
zerbrochene  Krug"  did  not  contain  the  element  of  sound, 
wholesome  humor  indispensable  to  his  idea  of  successful 
stage  comedy;  despite  his  appreciation  of  the  art  represented 
in  its  construction,  he  found  a  repellent  factor  in  Judge 
Adam  and  the  comic  element  dependent  upon  his  connection 
with  the  fate  of  the  lovers,  and  he  accordingly  recommended 
this  play  for  reading  rather  than  for  presentation.^ 

His  voice  is  heard,  therefore,  in  the  sterile  period  of  the 
70's  and  8o's  now  in  a  note  of  commendation  so  to  speak, 
now  in  a  call  to  arms.  His  encouragement  takes  various 
forms.  He  recognizes  the  value  of  wit  and  happy  ideas  in 
plays  of  the  day  (1876-  no  playwrights  are  named)  as  a  wel- 
come substitute  for  the  prosaic,  the  insipid,  and  the  senti- 
mental in  the  Birch-Pfeiffer  plays.^  He  calls  attention  (1880) 
to  the  diflSculties  confronting  the  modern  prose  writer  of 
comedy  and  farce;  a   successful   scene  in  either  is,  he  says, 

veals  also,  however,  that  the  success  of  these  playwrights  was  due  in 
part  to  the  fact  that  they  offered  roles  in  which  Frau  Frieb  and  Herr 
Doring,  both  public  favorites,  excelled. 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  33  (1870). 

2  V.  Z.  Oct.  29,  1886,  Abendausgabe. 

3  F.  Z.  Feb.  24,  B  3. 


62 

a  greater  service  and  a  harder  task  than  the  production  of 
a  mediocre  tragedy  in  five-foot  iambics,  for  which  some 
Roman  emperor  provides,  ready  for  use,  as  it  seems,  the 
celebrated  main  requisites  of  guilt  and  atonement.^  He  notes 
the  significant  change  (1885)  of  fusion  of  life  into  the  char- 
acters. In  1876  he  had  written:^  ''Die  Anfechtbarkeit  in 
Stoff  und  Gestalten  bleibt  dieselbe."     He  now  writes:^ 

"Auch  in  unsern  modernen  Lustspielen  stimmt  nicht  alles,  und 
wir  miissen  uns  Verzerrungen  und  Willkiirlichkeiten  in  Hulle  und 
Fiille  gef alien  lassen;  im  ganzen  aber  sind  as  doch  Menschen,  deren 
Bekanntschaft  wir  machen,  Menschen  in  menschenmoglichen  Situa- 
tionen  und  vor  allem  Menschen,  die  sich  nicht  eigens  vornehmen,  um 
vieles  diimmer,  trivialer  und  alberner  zu  sprechen,  als  im  wirklichen 
Leben  gesprochen  wird." 

This  same  measuring  norm  is  applied  even  more  frequently 
in  criticisms  not  limited  to  general  statements.  It  is  evident, 
for  example,  in  Fontane's  change  of  attitude  toward  both  von 
Moser  and  Lubliner.  He  notes  in  von  Moser  (187 1)  talent  and 
great  charm  of  spirit  (Liebenswurdigkeit) .  On  this  ground 
he  places  him  in  what  he  terms  at  this  time  a  new  school  of 
comedy,  represented  chiefly  by  Benedix,  von  Putlitz,  Girndt, 
and  Wilbrandt.  A  month  later  he  appreciates  in  his  work 
clearness  —  in  spite  of  kaleidoscopic  changes  in  scene  —  a 
good  sense  of  construction,  comedy  of  situation,  and  witty 
dialog.  But  (1878)  he  assumes  that  "  Madchenschwiire," 
announced  as  adapted  from  the  Polish,  is  by  von  Moser, 
because  it  reveals  all  of  his  virtuosity  and  at  the  same  time 
all  of  his  shortcomings.'* 

"Nichts  ist  neu,  alles  ist  verzerrt;  von  Lebenswahrheit  keine 
Spur.  .  .  .  Eben  so  wenig  von  folgerichtiger  Entwickelung.  Alles 
Willkiir;  nie  Verlegenheit  was  zu  tun,  well  alle  Mittel  gelten.  Die 
Scene,  der  Moment  herrschen  souveran." 

His  attitude  toward  Lubliner  is  for  a  decade  adverse  in 
the  extreme.     He  calls  his  "Modelle  des  Sheridan"    (1875) 

1  W,  2,  VIII,    215.  2  cf.  above,  p.  61  n.  3. 

»  W,  2,  VIII,  158. 

<  V.  Z.    Dec.  I,  1871,  B  2;   Jan.  3,  1872,  B  2;    Nov.  i,  1878,  B  4. 


63 

a  salad  of  big  words.^  Later  (1876)  a  series  of  criticisms 
begins,  in  which  Fontane  shows  that  he  has  no  respect  for 
Lubliner's  attitude  toward  art,  since  he  is  willing  to  sacrifice 
for  the  sake  of  mere  effect  everything  that  makes  for  dra- 
matic unity  and  reality.  He  terms  him  a  specialist  in  the 
brilliant  stringing  together  of  scenes.  Material  is  a  matter 
of  indifference  to  him  and  he  works  with  puppets.^  He 
charges  him  (1878)  with  playing  in  "Gabriele"  entirely  to 
the  public;  (1881-1883)  with  having  in  "Gold  und  Eisen"  and 
"Aus  einer  Grossstadt'*  no  conception  of  a  play  as  a  whole.' 
But  (1879)  after  the  premiere  of  "Die  Frau  ohne  Geist,"  he 
wrote  that  Lubliner  had  created  real  people  in  the  principal 
characters  of  this  play,  surrounded  as  they  were  by  traces 
of  his  old  weaknesses,  —  arbitrariness,  sentimentality,  and 
unnaturalness.^  He  maintains  this  stand  (1885),  mentioning 
it  as  one  of  a  group  of  recent  plays  indicating  the  grasp 
upon  life  that  marks  the  progress  of  the  period  over  the  40's 
and  50's.^ 

Although  this  is  naturally  not  Fontanels  only  norm,  it  is 
worthy  of  note  that  this  norm  has  some  part  —  and  that  not 
insignificant  —  in  his  commendation  of  more  widely  recog- 
nized playwrights,  some  of  whose  works  find  a  place  in  the 
stage  repertoire  today.  He  gives  both  Laube  and  Benedix 
high  rank  (1881)  among  play-makers  of  the  period  1835-1865 
for  knowledge  of  life  and  the  theater,  for  freedom  from  the 
bombastic  phrase,  and  from  that  imitation  of  Shakspere's 
imagery  which  Philistines  call  poetic.  Laube,  whom  he  had 
charged  with  failure  (187 1)  in  the  conception  of  Gellert's 
character,  he  praises  for  cleverness,  concentration,  judgment, 
and  justice  in  the  portrayal  of  Duke  Carl  Eugene  and  the 
Duchess  of  Hohenheim  in  "Die  Karlsschiiler,"  ^  and  Queen 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  273. 

*  V.  Z.  Feb.  II,  B  3.  (report  on  Hermann  Kette's  "Carolina 
Brocchi")- 

»  W,  2,  VIII,  277  ff.,  282  f. 

<  V.  Z.  Mar.  22,  B  i. 

6  W,  2,  VIII,  159. 

«  W,  2,  VIII,  132-134  f.;    V.  Z.  Feb.  22,  1881. 


64 

Elizabeth  in  "Graf  Essex"  he  finds  superior  to  Schiller's 
conception  in  that  it  is  truer  to  life  and  to  history.^ 

The  series  of  predominantly  sympathetic  reports  on  Lin- 
dau's  plays  (1872-1888)  show  commendation  in  general  for 
piquancy,  witty  repartee,  and  new  situations.  But  they 
show  also  the  application  of  norms  related  to  the  constant 
one,  the  lifelike.  He  considers  the  premises  in  "Maria  und 
Magdalena"  questionable  (1872),  but  granting  these,  he  sees 
in  the  subsequent  structure  the  distinct  stamp  of  truth.^ 
"Diana"  (1873)  fails  from  lack  of  natural  development.^  In 
"Verschamte  Arbeit"  (1880),  a  play  which  he  approves  for 
lifelike  situations  ^  and  for  the  combination  of  comic  content 
and  healthy  social  import,^  he  finds  the  working  out  of  the 
denouement  improbable.®  Lindau  fails,  in  his  opinion  (1888), 
in  making  "Xante  Therese"  an  entirely  sympathetic  and 
convincing  character,  but  shows  in  this  play  a  sense  of  unity 
lacking  in  his  contemporaries  in  the  same  line  of  work.'' 

The  patriotic  note  enters  strongly  into  the  criticism  of 
Wilbrandt  and  without  connection  with  the  portrayal  of 
historic  character,  since  it  is  Wilbrandt's  comedy  only  which 
meets  Fontane's  approval.^    In  connection  with  "Die  Maler" 

1  Fontane  writes  of  Frl.  Stolberg's  presentation  of  Elizabeth  (V.  Z. 
May  15,  1873,  B  2):  "Sie  gab  die  Konigin,  die  aus  eifersiichtiger 
Frauen-Regung  zwar  die  letzten  Entscheidungen  hernimmt,  aber  doch 
immer  Konigin  bleibt.  Nach  dieser  Seite  bin  ist  die  Elisabeth  in  *  Essex ' 
echter,  eindringlicher ,  dramatischer  als  die  Schiller'sche,  in  der  wir  nur  die 
kleingeartete,  neidisch  Eifersiichtige  sehen." 

2  V.  Z.  Dec.  3,  B  2. 

3  W,  2,  VIII,  236. 

<  V.  Z.  May  5,  1881,  B  i. 

">  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  215  (Nov.  1880). 

6  V.  Z.  Oct.  26,  B  2. 

8  V.  Z.  Jan.  27.  —  Other  sympathetic  reports  on  Lindau  are  found: 
F.  Z.  May  23,  1874,  B  2;   W,  2,  VIII,  238  f.;    V.  Z,  Feb.  10,  1878,  B  3. 

3  The  only  Wilbrandt  play  based  on  German  history  that  he  criticizes, 
**Der  Graf  von  Hammerstein,"  he  approaches  from  the  histrionic  stand- 
point as  presenting  in  the  main  character  a  role  that  cannot  maintain 
itself  without  pathos  (F.  Z.  Aug.  25,  1874,  B  2).  He  writes  of  "Kriem- 
hild"  (D  — Jan.  6,  1882):  "...  alles  vortreffHch,  brilliant  componiert, 
geistvoll  im  Dialog,  reich  an  guten  und  wirkungsvoUen  Scenen,  aber 
doch  todt  und  beinah  langweilig,   namentlich   der    2.  Akt;   der   3.   Akt 


65 

(1882)  he  writes  that  although  the  succession  of  artist  anec- 
dotes is  somewhat  monotonous,  a  comedy  by  Wilbrandt  is 
always  a  pleasure  —  whether  it  be  old  or  new,  in  one  act  or 
three  —  on  account  of  its  refreshing,  delicate  humor.  The 
report  on  "  Jugendliebe "  (187 1)  is  in  a  sense  a  patriotic  call 
to  German  playwrights.  Fontane  defines  here,  too,  the 
term  ''Liebenswiirdigkeit"  used  in  his  treatment  of  modern 
French  comedy  and  applied  to  Putlitz,  Girndt,  and  Benedix. 
After  a  resume  of  content  he  writes:  ^ 

*'Das  ist  nun  alias,  auf  den  ersten  Blick,  so  trivial,  wie  moglich 
und  jeder,  dem  man  den  Inhalt  nicht  vorspielt,  sondern  bios  erzahlt, 
hat  ein  voiles  Recht  auszurufen:  'Hundertmal  dagewesen;  lahmge- 
legte  moderne  Erfindungskraf t ! '  Und  doch  ware  nichts  falscher  als 
eine  seiche  Verurteilung.  Erfindung  hin,  Erfindung  her,  jedenfalls 
begegnen  wir  hier  einem  Etwas,  das  das  Gegenteil  von  aller  Lahmheit 
ist.  Alles  ist  elastisch.  Goethe  sagt  einmal,  was  frisch  ist,  ist  auch 
neu,  und  diesem  Ausspruche  nach,  den  ich  mir  ganz  zu  eigen  mache, 
haben  wir  hier  nichts  Altes,  Abgestandenes,  sondern  etwas  blitz- 
blank  Neues.  Mit  dieser  Frische  im  innigsten  Zusammenhang  steht, 
Oder  vielleicht  nur  ein  anderes  Wort  fiir  sie  ist,  die  Liebenswiirdig- 
keit  dieser  Wilbrandtschen  Arbeiten.  Und  dies  ist  unendlich  viel. 
Im  Leben  wie  in  der  Kunst  ist  diese  Seite  des  Daseins  viel  sparlicher 
vertreten,  als  eine  optimistiche  Anschauung  auf  den  ersten  Blick 
vermuten  mochte.  Liebenswurdig  sein  umschliesst  viel  andere  Gaben: 
Gesundheit  des  Fiihlens  und  Denkens,  geistige  Beweglichkeit,  Gute, 
nichts  schwer  nehmen,  lachende  Augen.  All  das  spiegelt  sich  in  den 
Lustspielen  Adolf  Wilbrandts,  in  keinem  mehr  als  in  dieser  '  Jugend- 
iiebe'.  .  .  .  Das  ganze  aufgebaut  auf  deutschem  Gefuhlsleben  und 
deutschem  Humor,  und  in  dieser  Beziehung  spezifisch  national. 
Wir  sollten  es  wirklich  mal  mit  uns  selbst  versuchen.  An  den  Kraften 
dazu  fehlt  es  nicht.  Wir  nennen  nur  vier  Namen,  die  uns  gerade 
zur  Hand  sind:  Benedix,  Putlitz,  0.  Girndt,  Wilbrandt.  Sollte  es 
uns  nicht  beschieden  sein,  uns  zu  uns  selbst  zuruckzufinden? " 

It  was  Fontanels  conviction  that  the  genuine  art  of  a  na- 
tion not  only  should  bear  but  must  bear  a  national  impress. 

(au  fond  vielleicht  noch  schlimmer)  macht  wenigstens  so  viel  ausserlichen 
Larm,  dass  man  zu  keiner  Langeweile  kommen  kann." 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  229  f.     Part  of  this  citation  is  found  only  V.  Z.  Apr.  2, 
B  4. 


66 

This  is  the  intangible  something  that  makes  its  very  essence 
and  that  at  the  same  time  renders  successful  imitation  im- 
possible. He  says  in  "Die  Londoner  Theater"  that  the 
bastard  in  ''King  John"  is  so  thoroughly  English  that  only 
an  Englishman  can  portray  the  role  perfectly.^ 

"Nur  in  England  gedeiht  diese  Mischung  von  Mut,  Unverschamt- 
heit  und  breitestem  Behagen,  ein  Mut,  der  alle  Kennzeichen  der 
Renommage  tragt,  aber  doch  keine  Renommage  ist,  sondern  ein- 
steht  fiir  die  Situation,  die  er  geschaffen." 

In  regard  to  the  flaws  in  Scribe's  "Bataille  de  dames"  and 
the  inability  of  German  actors  to  reproduce  the  full  charm 
of  this  play,  he  writes:  ^ 

"AUein  diese  Mangel  sind  franzosische  Mangel,  tiber  die  eine 
franzosische  Auffiihrung  hinweghilft.  Sie  mindern  sich  unter  der 
Raschheit  des  Spiels,  unter  der  Eleganz  der  Erscheinung,  unter  der 
Lebenswahrheit  aller  Formen.  .  .  .  Jedes  Volk  hat  nationale  oder 
gesellschaftliche  Typen  ausgebildet,  deren  voUkommene  Darstellung 
nur  ihm  gelingt.  Nicht  bless  auf  der  Biihne;  iiberhaupt  in  der 
Kunst." 

The  strongest  of  Fontanels  patriotic  appeals  to  German 
play-makers  is  in  his  criticism  of  Benedix.  For  him  the 
prevailing  virtue  of  Benedix  —  an  amusing  and  sympathetic 
treatment  of  human  foibles  as  they  occur  commonly  in  the 
middle-class  townsfolk  of  Germany  ^-  retains  distinct  value 
in  spite  of  the  accompanying  lack  of  individualization  of 
character.  He  points  to  Benedix,  therefore,  (1874)  as  to  a 
pathfinder,  the  intrinsic  national  worth  of  whose  work  is 
overlooked.^ 

"Er  hat  nicht  nur  wie  kein  anderer,  den  deutschen  Ton  getrofifen, 
er  hat  uns  auch  eben  dadurch,  dass  er  diesen  Ton  und  mit  ihm 
zugleich  unser  Herz  traf,  den  Beweis  gefiihrt,  dass  ein  vom  Fran- 
zosischen  losgelostes,  ehebruchsloses  Lustspiel  sehr  wohl  moglich  ist. 
Und  so  hat  er  denn  geradezu  eine  nationale  Bedeutung  fiir  uns,  die 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  sio. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  III  f. 

'  He  wrote  this  after  seeing  "  Gegeniiber."     V.  Z.  Jan.  25,  B  4. 


67 

iiber  seine  eigenen  Tage  hinaus  fortwirken  muss,  indem  es  moglich 
sein  wird,  allezeit  mit  dem  Bemerken  auf  ihn  hinzuweisen:  das  war 
der  Weg.  All  das  wusste  er  —  jeder  weiss  am  Ende,  was  er  werth 
ist  —  und  eine  leise  Verstimmung  musste  ihn  iiberkommen,  wenn  er 
auf  den  Lebensgang  Scribe's  und  des  alteren  Dumas  hinsah.  Mancher 
wird  hier  lachelnd  antworten:  er  war  eben  weder  der  eine  noch  der 
andere.  AUerdings  nicht,  aber  er  war  Benedix,  und  hat  als  solcher 
das  deutsche  Leben  eben  so  characteristisch  wiedergegeben,  wie  jene 
das  franzosische.  Wer  will  behaupten,  dass  Ludwig  Richter  hinter 
Gustav  Dore  zuriickstehe?  Aber  wir  stecken  noch  viel  zu  tief  in  der 
Anschauung:    weil  es  anders  ist,  darum  ist  es  schlechter.  ..." 

He  recognizes  a  trace  of  realism  (1875)  in  the  task  which 
Benedix  and  von  Putlitz  set  for  themselves,  and  accordingly 
recommends  them  rather  than  Scribe,  as  models  for  the 
Germans  asserting,  moreover,  that  unrestrained  portrayal  of 
the  ordinary  daily  life  about  us  is  much  more  difficult  than 
the  dramatization  of  memoirs  of  the  Louis  and  the  English 
Georges.^  This  recognition  of  the  realistic  tendency  recurs 
(1878)  in  the  criticism  of  "Der  Storenfried,"  a  report  worthy  of 
notice  for  three  additional  reasons:  it  shows  Fontane  by  no 
means  unconscious  of  Benedix'  weaknesses;  it  mentions  as 
weaknesses  qualities  which  Fontane  despised;  it  attests  in 
this  and  in  its  remarks  on  French  comedy  the  justice  of 
Fontanels  critical  work:^ 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  161. 

'  W,  2,  VIII,  138.  —  Fontane  had  written  (1874)  in  support  of  the 
privilege  of  hearing  the  French  players  in  Berlin  (V  Z.  Jan.  3,  B  2): 
"Von  einigen  Seiten  her  ist  das  Auftreten  einer  franzosischen  Schau- 
spielergesellschaft  in  Berlin  gemissbilligt  .  .  .  worden.  .  .  .  WoUten  wir 
warten,  bis  die  Franzosen  ihre  innerliche  Stellung  zu  uns  anderten,  uns 
als  ebenbiirtig  oder  wohl  gar  als  iiberlegen  ansahen,  so  wurden  wir  lange 
warten  miissen.  Sie  werden  sich  nichi  andern,  dafiir  sind  sie  eben  Fran- 
zosen, .  .  .  eine  liebenswiirdige,  eminent  interessante,  mit  alien  mog- 
lichen  Vorziigen,  aber  auch  mit  alien  moglichen  Schwachen  ausgeriistete 
Nation.  Zu  diesen  letztern  gehort,  weltbekanntermassen,  dass  sie  sehr 
eitel  sind  und  sich,  nach  wie  vor,  fur  die  ersten  halten.  Lassen  wir 
ihnen  das;  wir  sind  in  der  glucklichem  Lage  es  zu  konnen.  Es  zu  konnen, 
weil  wir  Ruhe  und  Besonnenheit  genug  haben,  wirkliche  Vorziige  gelten 
zu  lassen,  und  eingebildete  oder  gleichgiiltige,  zu  denen  doch  zuletzt  alia 
diese  'Comedies'  und  ihre  Vorstellungen  gehoren,  zu  belacheln." 


68 

"...  das  Stiick  selbst.  Wie  wohltuend!  was  ihm  von  Alltaglich- 
keit  und  Sentimentalitat  anhaftet,  verschwindet  neben  der  Fiille 
seiner  Vorziige.  Zwei,  drei  Winter  lang  sehe  ich  nun  franzosische 
Komodien  und  freue  mich,  von  wenigen  Ausnahmen  abgesehen,  ihrer 
Kunst,  will  sagen:  ihres  Aufbaus,  ihrer  geschickten  Schiirzungen  und 
Losungen,  ihrer  wundervoUen  Detailbehandlung,  ihres  pointierten 
Dialogs.  Aber  unter  alien  diesen  Stucken  ist  keines,  in  dem  so  viel 
gesundes  Leben  steckte  wie  in  diesem  'Storenfried.'  Alle  haben  sie 
etwas  mehr  oder  weniger  Gekiinsteltes,  Gezwungenes,  wahrend  mir 
der  Wert  eines  Kunstwerks  umgekehrt  in  seiner  Ungezwungenheit 
zu  liegen  scheint." 

Fontane's  dislike  for  the  French  influence  in  German 
comedy  and  his  plea  for  the  strengthening  of  the  national 
influence  were  clearly  not  based  upon  hatred  or  lack  of  ap- 
preciation of  the  French.  Eloquently  as  the  "  Wanderungen  " 
and  the  ballads  bear  witness  to  his  loyalty  to  his  own  country, 
to  his  fondness  for  its  makers  and  its  traditions,  this  loyalty  is 
accompanied  by  distinct  pride  in  his  French  descent.  In  his 
foreign  travels  he  shows  extreme  sensitiveness  to  indications 
of  German  inferiority,  especially  if  he  must  admit  them 
just.^     His   spirit   was   in   some   respects    typically    German; 

*  He  wrote  to  his  wife  from  Milan  (Z,  —  Aug.  lo,  1875):  "Ueber- 
haupt  welche  Stadt!  O  Berlin,  wie  wait  ab  bist  du  von  einer  wirkUchen 
Hauptstadt  des  deutschen  Reiches!  Du  bist  durch  politische  Verhalt- 
nisse  iiber  Nacht  dazu  geworden,  aber  nicht  durch  Dich  selbst.  Wirst 
es,  nach  dieser  Seite  hin,  auch  noch  lange  nicht  werden.  Vielleicht 
fehlen  die  Mittel,  gewiss  die  Gesinnung.  'Denn  aus  Gemeinem  ist 
der  Mensch  gemacht'  sagt  Schiller;  er  soil  dabei  speciell  an  den  Berliner 
Spiessbiirger,  der  inzwischen  zum  'Bourgeois'  sich  abwarts  entwickelt 
hat,  gedacht  haben.  Ueberhaupt  will  es  mir  nicht  glucken,  es  im  Aus- 
lande  zu  irgend  einer  patriotischen  Erhebung  zu  bringen.  Nicht  nur, 
dass  man  Schritt  um  Schritt  empfindet,  wie  sehr  uns  diese  alten  und 
reichen  Kulturlande  voraus  sind,  nein,  man  taxirt  uns  auch  in  diesem 
Sinne.  Man  will  von  uns  nichts  wissen.  Weder  das  'ewige  Gesiege', 
noch  die  5  Milliarden  haben  unsere  Situation  gebessert.  Es  hiess  zwar 
unmittelbar  nach  dem  Kriege;  *wir  seien  nun  ein  fiir  allemal  etablirt, 
der  so  lange  vermisste  Respekt  sei  da.'  Aber  ich  merke  nichts  da  von. 
AUes  dreht  sich  nach  wie  vor  um  England  und  Frankreich;  man  ver- 
steht  kein  Deutsch  oder  man  will  es  nicht  verstehen;  englische  und 
franzosische  Zeitungen  iiberall;  englische  und  franzosische  Biicher  im 
Schaufenster  jedes  Buchladens,  aber  kein  einziges  deutsches  Buch.    Nicht 


69 

French  amusements  did  not  appeal  to  him/  and  there  are 
repeated  evidences  that  he  considered  the  French  disposition 
and  attitude  toward  life  inferior  to  the  German.  Yet  his 
connection  with  the  French  colony  of  Berlin  was  a  revered 
family  tradition,  and  the  consciousness  of  the  French  blood 
in  his  veins  gave  him  a  sense  not  only  of  pride  but  of  superi- 
ority to  most  men  of  pure  Teutonic  ancestry.  There  is  a 
trace  of  this  in  the  consciousness  of  his  excellence  as  causeuTj 
which  he  attributed  to  his  French  descent.  He  writes  from 
the  Italian  Lakes  (1875)  i^ 

"Wie  ungermanisch  bin  ich  doch.  Alia  Augenblicke  (aber  ganz 
im  Ernst)  empfind'  ich  meine  romanische  Abstammung.  Und  ich 
bin  stolz  darauf." 

He  rejoices  in  a  reference  from  Brahm  (1888)  to  the  effect 
that  Berliners  cannot  understand  Gallic  humor,  adding  that  he 
is  both  proud  and  happy  that  the  cradle  of  his  ancestors  stood 
in  Languedoc.^  He  values,  accordingly,  the  cleverness,  the 
grace,  the  charm,  a  large  part  of  the  method  of  modern  French 
comedy.  He  deplores  the  lack  of  this  distinctive  French 
quality  in  the  German  comedy  of  manners.  But  he  prefers 
the  spirit  (Gesinnung),  the  Liehenswiirdigkeit^  that  he  finds  in 
the  work  of  some  German  playwrights ;  the  conclusions  his  diary 
shows  from  the  visit  of  the  French  players  (1878)  were: 

"Es  wird  mir  immer  klarer,  dass  wir  die  gesamte  franzosische 
Production  (auf  literar.  Gebiet)  iiberschatzen.  Die  Mache,  das 
eigentliche  Konnen  ist  beneidenswert;  aber  das  ausserliche  Konnen 
ist  nicht  das  Hochste.  Das  Hochste  kommt  von  oben,  es  ist  ein 
Geschenk  der  Cotter,  und  man  hat  es,  oder  hat  es  nicht.  Die  Fran- 
zosen,  in  der  ungeheuren  Mehrzahl  ihrer  von  aller  Welt  bewunderten 
Productionen,  haben  es  ganz  entschieden  nicht;  in  all  diesen  Stucken 
und  Romanen  ist  nichts  Bleibendes;   es  fehlt  der  grosse  Inhalt." 

einmal  die  'Wanderungen.'  Im  Grunde  genommen  ist  es  recht  so,  denn 
das,  was  wirkliche  Superioritat  schafft,  fehlt  uns,  trotz  Schulen  und  Kaser- 
nen  nach  wie  vor.  Freilich  haben  Athen  und  Sparta  einst  politisch 
rivalisirt;  aber  Sparta  ist  langst  nur  noch  Name  und  Begrifif,  wahrend 
die  beglucktere  Rivalin  eine  Wirklichkeit  ist  bis  diesen  Tag." 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  VI,  68  f.  (1856). 

«  Z,  — Aug.  9  — To  his  wife.  '  W,  2,  VII,  189. 


70 

Since  it  was  Scribe  who  was  particularly  in  vogue  on  the 
Royal  Stage  and  among  the  writers  honored  by  it,  it  is 
Scribe  whom  he  most  often  analyzes.  He  pronounces  against 
Scribe's  ''Les  doigts  de  fee"  the  verdict  (1871)  of  inconsist- 
ency, lack  of  reason,  sacrifice  of  art  to  effect,  and  charges 
Scribe  with  attempting  to  gain  popularity  by  feeling  the 
pulse  of  the  masses.  He  finds  the  portrayal  of  character  in 
''Le  verre  d'eau"  inadequate  (1874).  He  says  (1876)  that 
the  author's  ingenuity  (Genialitat)  cannot  make  up  for  im- 
probability and  meager  motivation  in  "Bataille  de  dames," 
as  an  example  of  the  latter  fault  mentioning  the  return 
of  Flavigneul  at  the  end  —  immediately  after  his  supposed 
rescue  —  for  no  other  reason  than  that  the  betrothal  was  yet 
to  be  consummated.  He  charges  Scribe  with  making  extra- 
neous additions  (Einlagen)  to  his  material  in  all  his  comedies 
in  order  to  keep  up  the  lure  of  effect  throughout  five  acts, 
nor  does  he  exclude  here  **Les  contes  de  la  reine  de  Navarre," 
although  he  considers  it  superior  to  all  the  other  plays  men- 
tioned in  that  it  combines  effectiveness  with  Liebenswiirdig- 
keit,  a  quality  either  absent  or  inconspicuous  elsewhere. 

Yet  he  consistently  finds  French  method  eminently  success- 
ful in  the  production  of  grace  and  brilliance,  and  holds  it  up 
as  a  model  in  this  respect,  at  times  almost  as  a  goad  to  Ger- 
man playwrights.  He  praises  Scribe's  skill  in  manipulation 
of  details,  his  effective  use  of  situation,  the  charm  of  his 
dialog  (1874).  He  accuses  Scribe's  German  followers  (1875) 
of  copying  only  the  errors  and  the  superfluities,  of  overlooking 
the  immeasurable  charm  which  separates  them  from  the  wit, 
the  grace,  and  genius  of  the  master.^ 

Fontane  attacks  individual  German  writers  in  some  cases 
also  without  the  balm  of  requital  used  throughout  his  criti- 
cism of  Benedix  and  Putlitz.  Wichert's  only  claim  to  success 
rests  upon  "Ein  Schritt  vom  Wege,"  which  he  approves 
(1872)  as  a  racy  variation  of  an  old  theme  for  cleverness  and 
piquancy   in    dialog.     He   finds    "Die    Realisten"    unrealistic 

*  The  references  to  Scribe  cited  above  are:  W,  2,  VIII,  112  ff.  (1871); 
V.  Z.  Jan.  20,  1874,  B  2;  Nov.  7,  1876,  B  3;  Dec.  19,  1876,  B  3; 
—  W,  2,  VIII,  161  (1875). 


71 

(1874)  and  says  in  connection  with  **Der  Freund  des  Fur- 
sten''  (1879)  that  the  conditions  of  real  life  are  long  since 
banished  from  our  stage.  Wildenbruch  he  hounds  (1882- 
1887)  for  disregard  of  truth,  for  violence  and  arbitrariness 
in  the  handling  of  plot  and  character.  (1886)  He  pronounces 
the  weakness  of  Philippi's  ''Daniela"  characteristic  of  nine- 
tenths  of  modern  plays  in  that  it  emphasizes  false  sentiments 
and  emotions  and  conjures  up  conflicts  accompanied  by 
pathos  and  passion  which  a  balanced  human  understanding 
cannot  accept.^ 

It  is  as  a  whole,  then,  a  simple  unified  message  that  Fon- 
tane  has  for  the  play-makers  of  his  day.  There  are  but 
few  motifs,  numerous  as  are  the  variations  based  upon  them: 
to  be  independent  and  national,  ready  to  learn  from  foreign 
types  and  to  adapt  them,  but  never  to  imitate;  to  be 
dissatisfied  with  offering  mere  entertainment,  to  disregard 
popularity  and  gain,  to  shun  the  strife  for  novelty  as  an 
attraction;  to  cultivate  artistic  earnestness,  to  recognize  the 
importance  of  sacrificing  striking  scenes  to  the  unity  and 
completeness  of  the  whole;  to  serve  truth  and  not  effect,  to 
realize  the  demand  of  the  age  for  life  in  the  drama. 

He  expresses  clearly  two  ideals  for  playwrights;  one  not  far 
from  the  beginning,  the  other  very  near  the  close  of  his  long 
activity  as  theater-critic.  It  is  significant  that  both  contain 
the  note  that  only  life  will  fill  the  need  of  the  stage.  The 
first  has  to  do  with  one  of  the  most  unreal  of  Iffland's  char- 
acters, the  Gambler.  Fontane  does  not  say  that  the  role  is 
impossible,  but  that  it  depends  for  its  appeal  entirely  upon 
the  conviction  of  the  actor  in  regard  to  it.^ 

"Es  lasst  sich  erkennen,  dass  das  Stiick  von  einem  Schauspieler 
geschrieben  wurde.  Dichterisch  genommen,  liegt  darin  ein  Mangel; 
ein  Stiick  soil  so  geschrieben  sein,  dass  die  Gestalten  als  seiche  leben 
konnen  und  zwar  unter  alien  Umstdnden,  .  .  .  unabhangig  von  der 
grosseren  oder  geringeren  Kraft  ihrer  Darsteller." 

1  Cf.:  (Wichert)  V.  Z.  Nov.  i,  1872,  B  2;  W,  2,  VIII,  211  ff.  (1874- 
79);    (Wildenbruch)  W,  2,  VIII,  249-265;    (Philippi)  W,  2,  VIII,  293!. 

2  V.  Z.  Feb.  8,  1874,  B  4. 


72 

The  second  is  a  part  of  that  whole-souled  tribute  of  praise 
that  he  paid  to  Wildenbruch  eventually  (1888)  for  ''Die 
Quitzows":  ^ 

"Das  ist  ein  Stiick,  wie's  sein  soil,  ein  Stuck  ausserhalb  der 
Schablone,  vielmehr  umgekehrt  von  Anfang  bis  Ende  in  seinen  eige- 
nen  Stiefeln  stehend.  Von  Schuhen  lasst  sich  hier  nicht  sprechen. 
Es  ist  ein  Ding  fiir  sich.  AUes  andere,  was  ich  von  Wildenbruch 
kenne,  wird  tiber  kurz  oder  lang  weggefegt  sein,  dies  aber  wird 
bleiben,  denn  es  ist  in  seinem  Kerne  vol!  Wahrheit  und  Leben,  zu- 
gleich  auf  seine  Tendenz  hin  angesehn  voll  erhebender  Schonheit. 
Ein  deutsches  Stiick,  das  als  solches  weit  uber  die  Territorien  zwischen 
Havel  and  Spree  hinaus  seinen  Siegeszug  machen  und  alle  particu- 
laristische  Gefuhle  .  .  .  siegreich  iiberwinden  wird.  Denn  neben 
vielem  andern  ist  es  auch  eminent  ein  ^^^Wstuck." 

The  suggestions  from  which  directors  might  profit  show 
again  constantly  the  application  of  the  realistic  norm  and 
reveal  more  than  any  other  part  of  Fontane's  dramatic 
criticism  the  unity  of  purpose  that  characterizes  it. 

The  idea  of  truth  is  not  coincident  here  with  the  idea  of 
life,  as  it  is  not  coincident  in  reality,  but  it  is  so  closely 
related  to  it  that  complete  separation  is  impossible.  The 
sense  that  later  made  Fontane  demand  realism  is  active  even 
in  the  articles  from  the  50's  on  the  London  stage.  A  dif- 
ference in  terms  at  times  gives  the  impression  of  a  different 
attitude.  He  is  in  the  earlier  period  a  degree  more  firmly 
bound  by  reverence  for  history,  perhaps,  than  later,  and 
he  expresses  approval  and  disapproval  oftener  by  the  words 
'accuracy,'  'inaccuracy,'  and  'truth'  than  by  reference  to 
the  presence  or  absence  of  the  lifelike. 

There  is  in  this  section,  as  in  that  devoted  particularly  to 
writers,  the  double  appeal:  to  national  pride,  by  pointing 
to  marks  of  superiority  in  the  presentation  of  Shakspere  in 
London  at  the  time  of  his  residence  there;  and  to  personal 
responsibility,  which  should  reveal  itself  first  of  all  in  the 
choice  of  plays.  The  idea  appears  again  in  this  connection 
that   one   function   of   the   stage   is   to   provide   amusement; 

1  The  greater  part  of  this  quotation  is  found:  W,  2,  VIII,  265  f.;  the 
last  part  is  from  V.  Z.  Nov.  10,  No.  533. 


73 

but  the  hold  of  the  amusement  play  was  already  so  strong 
that  there  was  no  necessity  for  making  an  appeal  for  it  to 
the  directors.  Any  word  in  its  favor  has  on  the  contrary  a 
condition  attached:  (1871)  that  it  should  not  displace  the 
ideal;  (1881)  that  the  element  which  provides  entertainment 
should  involve  no  use  of  false  means,  such  as  arbitrary  ad- 
justment in  structure  and  motivation.^ 

The  obligation  of  a  prominent  royal  stage  to  give  encour- 
agement to  contemporary  literary  production  is  conceded,^ 
but  as  in  the  case  of  the  amusement  play  there  was  no  occa- 
sion for  enlisting  the  sympathy  of  the  director.  The  new 
and  the  purely  amusing  were  unfortunately  too  often  coin- 
cident. Suggestions  as  to  repertoire  occur  usually,  therefore, 
only  in  appreciation  of  a  striking  success  or  of  a  mere  attempt 
to  renew  a  drama  of  literary  value  or  one  of  interest  in 
historical  development.  He  writes  (1874),  for  example,  that 
the  Royal  Stage  reaches  its  normal  level  with  the  presenta- 
tion of  ''Kabale  und  Liebe"  and  ''Twelfth  Night,"  ^  since  they 
represent  the  union  of  literary  worth  and  real  histrionic  suc- 
cess. Similarly,  it  is  Goethe's  "Palaeophron  und  Neoterpe" 
that  gives  artistic  satisfaction  as  a  Sylvester  play  (1878) 
rather  than  most  of  the  new  productions  that  it  was  custom- 
ary to  present  on  New  Year's  Eve.     Fontane  writes  of  it:* 

"Neuer  als  das  Neueste  ist  das  Aelteste.  ...  In  der  That  be- 
sitzt  es  alle  Zauber  dessen,  der  es  schuf:  Empfindung,  Lebens- 
weisheit,  Lieblichkeit  und  Klarheit  des  Ausdrucks,  achte  Freiheit 
und  achte  Loyalitat  .  .  .  ganz  eigenartig,  ganz  originell  gegriffen. 
.  .  .Der  letzte  Tag  im  Jahr,  wo  sich  Schwindendes  und  Kommendes 
die  Hand  reichen,  ist  so  recht  eigentlich  der  Schauplatz  fur  'Palae- 
ophron  und  Neoterpe.'  Wollen  diese  doch  nichts  andres  sein,  als 
Verkorperungen  des  Alten  und  Neuen." 

He  prophesies  that  Massinger's  "Duke  of  Milan"  will  not 
hold  a  place  on  the  Royal  Stage.  He  says  that  Massinger 
speaks  to  a  changed  taste  and  on  this  account  does  not  meet 
the  demands  of  the  time;    but  he  expresses  gratitude  for  the 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  71,  120  f.  '  V.  Z.  May  14,  B  2. 

*  V.  Z.  Nov.  6,  1879,  B  I.  *  V.  Z.  Jan.  3,  B  2. 


74 

interesting  attempt  to  balance  the  ebb  in  contemporary  pro- 
duction by  such  a  revival.^  He  enjoys  a  critic's  feast,  as  a 
rule,  when  the  program  of  the  day  offers  anything  from 
Shakspere,  Lessing,  Goethe,  Kleist,  or  Grillparzer.^  He 
makes  no  attempt,  however,  independent  of  repertoire,  to 
lift  a  dramatist  upon  his  shield.  He  may  have  felt  that  his 
position  as  reporter  offered  no  opportunity  for  this,  but  such 
an  attitude  seems  hardly  in  keeping  with  the  fact  that  he  is 
fearless  in  attacking  weakness  in  the  plays  presented.  That 
he  did  not  use  whatever  influence  he  had  in  stronger  support 
of  such  dramatists  as  Hebbel  and  Grillparzer,  who  had  not 
come  into  their  own  on  the  Royal  Stage,^  is  noticeable. 
He  says  naively  on  the  occasion  of  the  first  performance  of 
"Herodes  und  Mariamne,"  which  to  him  was  beautiful  but 
abnormal,  not  humanly  convincing  in  its  dramatic  conflict, 
that  it  is  not  only  the  privilege  (Recht)  but  the  duty  of  the 
Royal  Stage  to  present  this  play  to  the  public,  if  for  no  other 
reason  than  to  increase  their  appreciation  of  their  older 
standard  dramas."* 

Fontane's  position  is  frequently  that  the  directors  them- 
selves do  not  appreciate  either  the  needs  of  the  stage  or  the 
material  at  hand  to  meet  these  needs,  and  in  this  connection 
the  note  of  challenge  is  often  heard.  His  plea  in  the  essay 
on  the  London  theaters  for  extending  the  Shakspere  reper- 
toire of  the  German  stage  rests  not  only  upon  his  love  of 
Shakspere  but  upon  his  desire  to  supply  the  lack  of  the 
German  drama  in  plays  combining  sound  humor  with  poetic 
power.  ''Twelfth  Night,"  in  which  this  union  is  found,  is, 
he  says,  not  widely  known  on  the  German  stage.  His  dis- 
cussion of  ''The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor"  is  practically  a 
plea  that  it  be  given  in  Germany.  He  commends  the  English 
for  producing  and   taking  pleasure  in   "Two   Gentlemen   of 

»  V.  Z.  Nov.  25,  1879,  B  2. 

2  He  shows  less  enthusiasm  for  Schiller  because  of  the  inability  of  the 
actors  to  interpret  romantic  characters  and  to  appreciate  the  romantic 
element. 

^  Cf.  above,  p.  14-15,  n.  i. 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  155. 


75 

Verona"  while  Germany  engages  in  strife  as  to  its  authen- 
ticity. He  reminds  his  countrymen  that  Speed  and  Launce 
were  in  the  period  of  the  Kembles  and  Keans  regarded  as 
painsworthy  roles,  that  the  combination  of  humor  in  these 
roles  and  of  poetry  in  that  of  Julia  gives  the  play  precedence 
over  ''The  Tempest"  in  adaptability  to  the  modern  stage.^ 

But  the  diflSiculties  involved  in  staging  "The  Tempest" 
did  not  bar  it,  in  Fontane's  opinion,  from  presentation  in 
Germany.  Before  he  knew  of  Dingelstedt's  attempt  to  give 
this  play  in  Munich,  he  urged  that  its  problems  were  not 
insurmountable;  ^  that  the  love-scenes  between  Ferdinand 
and  Miranda  were  a  gay  counterpart  to  those  of  Romeo  and 
Juliet;  that  the  role  of  Caliban  contained  a  sort  of  humor 
in  the  rough  characteristic  of  the  age  of  Shakspere  and  Lu- 
ther, that  this  monster  was  a  wholesome  conception,  of 
which  Germany  showed  no  appreciation  and  which  certainly 
no  German  poet  could  produce. 

The  suggestions  concerning  the  reconstruction  of  plays  for 
staging,  based  also  largely  upon  observations  made  in  Lon- 
don, are  a  further  attempt  to  arouse  German  directors  to 
interest  and  to  activity.  The  report  on  "Coriolanus"  is  in 
the  main  a  vindication  of  the  fact  that  the  twenty-eight 
original  scenes  had  been  reduced  to  thirteen  in  the  Sadler's 
Wells  Theater  in  London  without  violence  to  the  drama.^ 
In  the  Hamlet  of  this  stage,  on  the  other  hand,  he  objects 
to  the  omission  of  the  scene  (Act  III)  in  which  Hamlet  con- 
templates the  murder  of  the  king  at  prayer,  on  the  ground 
that  it  involves  a  loss  in  dramatic  terror  and  takes  an  im- 
portant touch  from  the  character  portrayal  of  the  prince.^ 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  489,  555-557  f. 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  547  ff.  —  Fontane  makes  a  subsequent  addition  here  to 
the  effect  that  seeing  the  Dingelstedt  play  has  dispelled  most  of  his 
original  doubts  and  strengthened  his  recommendation.  This  addition 
was  published  first  in  "Aus  England"  (i860).  Fontane  probably  saw 
a  performance  of  Dingelstedt's  version  in  Munich,  March,  1859,  when 
he  had  an  audience  with  King  Maximilian  II  of  Bavaria.  (Cf.  above, 
p.  41.) 

3  W,  2,  VIII,  559  ff. 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  535  ff. 


76 

Yet  he  considers  this  preferable  to  the  false  emphasis  given 
in  Berlin  to  Hamlet's  rescue  and  sudden  return  from  the 
mission  to  England,  which  sacrifices  clearness  and  correct 
proportion  to  momentary  effect. 

The  same  principles  of  stage  adaptation  are  obviously  at 
work  in  Fontanels  comparison  (1873)  of  the  Oechelhauser  and 
the  Dingelstedt  version  of  ''Henry  VI."  The  first  of 
these  attempts  to  condense  the  fifty-two  scenes  of  Parts  H 
and  III  into  one  play  of  seventeen  scenes.  The  second, 
which  Fontane  prefers,  discards  Part  I,  keeping  II  and  HI 
as  separate  plays.  He  agrees  with  Oechelhauser  that  real 
dramatic  unity  is  lacking  in  the  original  and  practically  im- 
possible if  the  entire  material  be  included.  His  fondness 
for  history  is  apparent  in  the  appreciation  he  expresses  for 
the  "consistent  series  of  interesting  historical  events  as  a 
means  of  developing  interesting  characters."  His  sense  of 
dramatic  effect,  however,  leads  him  to  condemn  the  whole 
in  spite  of  his  admiration  for  such  valuable  details  as  the 
colossal  figure  of  Queen  Margaret,  the  lifelike  folk  scenes, 
the  contrast  between  Margaret  and  the  weak  king;  for 
Oechelhauser's  extreme  condensation  results  in  his  opinion 
in  the  confusion  of  the  spectator  through  an  unnatural  mass- 
ing of  events  that  are  impressive  only  when  independent  of 
each  other;  ^  he  even  suggests  that  the  fall  of  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester   (developed    in    Shakspere  in  the  first  three  acts 

^  This  adaptation  by  Wilhelm  Oechelhauser  was  not  obtainable  in  the 
Royal  Library  of  Berlin.  Oechelhauser's  edition  of  Shakspere's  drama- 
("W.  Shakespeares  dramatische  Werke,"  ubersetzt  von  August  Wil- 
helm von  Schlegel  und  Ludwig  Tieck.  —  Im  Auftrag  der  deutschen 
Shakespeare-Gesellschaft  herausgegeben  und  mit  Einleitungen  versehen 
von  Wilhelm  Oechelhauser.  —  Deutsche  Verlags-Anstalt,  Stuttgart,  Leip- 
zig, Berlin,  Wien)  contains  only  the  unabbreviated  translation  of  the 
three  parts  of  "Henry  VI."  Oechelhauser's  method  in  the  condensed 
version  for  the  stage  can  be  only  inferred  from  Fontane's  criticism;  the 
general  outlines  are  at  least  indicated  clearly  from  Act  III  on.  —  For 
Fontane's  criticism  of  this  version  of  "Henry  VI"  cf.  V.  Z.  May  30, 
B  2. 

The  Dingelstedt  version,  to  which  Fontane  merely  refers,  comprises 
the  first  two  of  the  three  plays  included  in  "Die  weisse  Rose"  (2.  Halfte 
des  Historien-Cyclus  von  Shakespeare,  fiir  die  deutsche  Biihne  frei  bear- 


77 

of  Part  II)  is  material  for  one  drama;  that  the  humiliation 
and  subsequent  triumph  of  the  House  of  York  (in  Shakspere, 
Acts  III  and  IV,  Part  II,  closing  with  the  victory  of  St. 
Albans)  would  fill  the  space  of  a  second;  that  the  strife  of 
the  sons  of  York  among  themselves  and  the  declaration  of 
a  political  program  —  so  to  speak  —  by  Richard  of  York 
(the  content  of  Part  III  in  Shakspere)  offer  material  for  a 
third  play  or  for  the  prolog  to  such  a  play  at  least. 

Fontane's  approval — for  esthetic  reasons  —  (1875)  of  the 
liberties  which  the  Genee  version  takes  with  the  text  of  "Die 
Hermannsschlacht "  may  be  regarded  as  typical  of  his  general 
attitude  toward  the  question  of  adaptation  for  the  stage. 
He  shows  in  his  criticism  of  this  drama  an  admiration  for 
Kleist  comparable  to  that  for  Shakspere,  yet  he  writes  of 
Genee's  changes  in  the  conditions  attending  the  death  of 
Varus  and  Ventidius :  ^ 

"Varus,  statt  zu  einem  blossen  Objekt  fiir  das  Langmesser  seiner 
Feinde  herabgedriickt  zu  warden,  gibt  sich  selbst  den  Tod.  Ven- 
tidius wird  unverandert  in  den  Barengarten  gesperrt,  aber  gluck- 
licherweise  hinter  der  Scene,  so  dass  wir  uns  mit  einem  Bericht  des 
Grasslichen,  das  sich  voUzog,  begniigen  miissen.  Fachleute,  die  so 
leicht  in  Gefahr  kommen  das  Charaktervolle  iiber  das  Schonheits- 
voUe,  die  geniale  Curiositat  iiber  das  Aesthetisch-zulassige  zu  setzen, 
werden  diese  Aenderungen  vielleicht  missbilligen  und  erklaren  ihren 
Kleist  lieber  Echt  'mit  Haut  und  Haar,'  als  in  dieser  mehr  sauberen 
Zurechtmachung  geniessen  zu  woUen." 

Finally,  in  spite  of  his  reverence  for  Shakspere,  he  does 
not  join  the  ranks  of  those  who  look  with  disfavor  on  the 
liberties   which    Dingelstedt    takes   with    the    original   in   his 

beitet.  Franz  Dingelstedt's  Sammtliche  Werke,  Band  12,  Berlin,  1877). 
Dingelstedt's  Part  I  is  an  adaptation  of  the  content  of  Shakspere's 
Part  II;    his  Part  II,  an  adaptation  of  Shakspere's  Part  III. 

^  For  the  quotation  cf.  V.  Z.  Jan.  21,  B  2;  a  large  part  of  this 
report  is  given  also:  W,  2,  VIII,  92  f.  —  According  to  Kleist's  concep- 
tion, Thusnelda  herself  conducts  Ventidius  to  the  garden  and  taunts  him 
as  the  bear  attacks  him  (Heinrich  von  Kleist,  "Samtliche  Werke," 
hrsg.  V.  Arthur  Eloesser,  Leipzig,  Tempel-Verlag,  1909-1910;  Act  V, 
Sc.  17,  18);  Varus  escapes  the  hand  of  Hermann  to  become  the  victim 
of   Fust,  prince  of  the  Cimbrians  (Act  V,  Sc.  22). 


78 

stage  version  of  "Winter's  Tale";  on  the  contrary,  upon  the 
absence  of  any  unpleasant  sensation  he  bases  the  judgment 
(1886)  that  the  peculiar  demands  of  the  dramatized  romance 
(Marchen)  justify  such  changes.^ 

"Es  ist,  was  iibrigens  seinem  Marchen-charakter  entspricht,  ein 
Ausstattungsstiick,  vielleicht  immer  gewesen,  jedenfalls  geworden, 
und  so  heisst  es  denn  dem  Dichter  und  seiner  Dichtung  nicht  zu 
nahe  treten,  wenn  wir  den  Erfolg  des  gestrigen  Abends  in  zweiter 
Reihe  wenigstens  den  mannigfachen  Kraften  und  Hilfen  zuschreiben, 
die  sich,  neben  den  darstellenden  Kiinstlern,  in  den  Dienst  des  Stucks 
stellen:  Musik,  Tanz,  Dekoration,  Inszenirung.  Auch  Bearbeitung 
ware  hier  zu  nennen.  Dingelstedt  ist  zwar  mit  einer  wahren  Riesen- 
scheere  vorgegangen,  hat  den  Vorwurf  einer  gewissen  Impietat  hin- 
nehmen  miissen,  auch  soil  in  der  That  nicht  geleugnet  werden,  dass 
einzelne  Scenen  auf  blosse  Ballethohe  herabgedriickt  worden  sind, 
aber  die  grosse  Wirkung  gerade  dieser  lebenden  Bilder  scheint  ihm  und 
seinem  Verfahren  doch  Recht  zu  geben.  Es  giebt  so  vieles  in  der 
Kunst,  und  zumal  im  Marchen,  das  jeder  breiteren  Ausfuhrung,  ja 
dem  Wort  uberhaupt  widerstreitet  und  in  der  Andeutung  am  kraf- 
tigsten  zur  Geltung  kommt." 

On  the  general  subject  of  stage-effect  and  its  production 
Fontane  has  practically  but  one  absolute  tenet:  that  if  stage 
properties  are  used  at  all,  the  result  must  satisfy  reason  as 
well  as  the  senses.     This  he  does  not  formulate  anywhere  as 

^  V.  Z.  No.  456,  Sept.  30,  Abendausgabe.  —  Fontane  had  written  of 
this  drama  in  the  essay  on  the  London  theaters  (W,  2,  VIII,  524  f.): 
"Dies  Stiick,  wie  es  im  Prinzess-Theater  gegeben  wird,  befriedigt 
nicht.  Es  ist  nicht  leicht,  sich  iiber  das  'Warum'  klar  zu  werden.  Ich 
glaube,  es  liegt  allerdings  an  der  Auffiihrung,  aber  es  liegt  auch  am 
Stiick.  Dinge,  die  bei  der  Lektiire  nicht  storen,  konnen  bei  der  Dar- 
stellung  uniiberwindliche  Schwierigkeiten  bieten.  Das  Wickelkind  .  .  . 
tritt  zu  sehr  in  die  Erscheinung,  um  anders  als  komisch  zu  wirken.  .  .  . 
Die  ersten  drei  Akte  haben  nur  eine  Oase,  das  ist  die  grosse  Gerichts- 
scene,  wo  der  Ausspruch  des  delphischen  Orakels  die  Unschuld  Hermi- 
onens  verkundet."  Fontane  did  not  here,  as  in  the  case  of  "Antony 
and  Cleopatra,"  advise  that  this  be  introduced  upon  the  home  stage.  — 
The  Dingelstedt  version  (Ein  Wintermarchen  —  Schauspiel  in  4  Aufziigen 
von  Shakspere,  fiir  die  deutsche  Biihne  neu  ubersetzt  und  bearbeitet 
von  Franz  Dingelstedt  —  Berlin,  1859)  condenses  the  first  three  acts 
greatly. 


79 

a  tenet,  but  it  may  easily  be  deduced.  He  follows  the 
acknowledgment  of  scenic  improvement  in  ''Henry  IV" 
(Part  II)  with  the  statement  (1873)  that  a  cardinal  mistake 
of  all  stage  appointments,  as  of  the  whole  modern  drama 
(Schauspiel) ,  is  that  it  is  calculated  to  appeal  to  sense  rather 
than  to  the  understanding.^  He  says  in  the  report  on  "Henry 
VIII"  (''Londoner  Theater")  that  he  has  no  objection  to 
Shakspere  in  a  barn,  where  the  spectator  has  only  the  words 
of  the  poet  and  his  own  imagination,  but  that  too  great  care 
cannot  be  used  if  there  is  an  attempt  at  reality  (handgreif- 
liche  Wahrheit).^ 

There  is  the  indication  here  that  Fontane  was  neutral  on 
the  question  of  return  to  the  simplicity  of  the  Elizabethan 
stage.  He  writes,  however,  of  Kean's  presentation  of  "Mid- 
summer Night's  Dream"  (L.  T.):^ 

"Die  Wiedereinfiihrung  der  alten,  originalen  Shakespeare-Btihne 
indes,  worauf  wir  bei  Auffiihrung  dieses  Stuckes  vielleicht  stolzer 
sind,  als  notig  ware,  fehlt  hier.  Die  allermodernsten  Dekorations- 
und  Maschinenkiinste  haben  helfen  mussen  und  haben,  glaube  ich, 
ihre  Aufgabe  besser  als  der  griine  Kasten  mit  seiner  Treppe  rechts 
und  links  erfiillt." 

The  space  he  devotes  to  the  details  of  staging  and  his  in- 
terest in  the  innovations  of  the  Meiningen  players  prove 
further  that  he  was  not  a  believer  in  primitive  stage  conditions. 
It  was  clearly  his  belief,  however,  that  the  genre  in  hand 
must  determine  the  solution  of  specific  stage  problems.  That 
the  esthetic  appeal  of  an  entire  performance  may  be  sacri- 
ficed by  jarring  details  is  evident  from  the  following  typical 
suggestions:  (1878)  that  decoration  and  costume  may  be 
dangerous  additions  if  not  made  an  integral  part  of  a  beau- 
tiful poetic  whole;  *   that  costuming  and  background  may  be 

1  V.  Z.  Mar.  27,  B  2  (additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  11  ff.). 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  514. —  References  to  the  "Londoner  Theater"  will  be 
designated  hereafter  L.  T.  and  represent  chronologically  1857-1859. 

'  W,  2,  VIII,  520. 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  60  f.;  this  is  one  of  the  criticisms  involving  the  compari- 
son of  a  play  ("Die  Rauber")  as  given  at  the  Royal  Theater  of  Berlin 
and  by  the  visiting  Meiningen  players,  to  the  detriment  of  the  former. 


80 

decisive  elements,  especially  in  poetic  drama,  for  success  or 
failure  of  a  weak  scene,  a  symbolic  figure,  or  a  character  that 
is  romantic  in  conception,  where  the  appeal  to  esthetic  sense 
must  be  so  complete  as  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  inquiry 
to  dispel  illusion.  The  man  of  the  cliffs  in  *'Der  Traum 
ein  Leben"  is  in  Fontane's  opinion  (1878)  a  poetic  concep- 
tion, but  the  figure  may  approach  dangerously  near  the 
ludicrous  in  presentation.^  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  possible 
to  mar  the  effect  of  burlesque  by  too  great  realism  in  staging.^ 

Even  the  early  Shakspere  reports  show  clearly  the  distinc- 
tions Fontane  would  make  for  staging  on  the  basis  of  the 
inherent  esthetic  demand  of  the  drama  in  question.  His- 
tory, tragedy,  and  comedy  require  on  the  whole  different 
treatment;  but  within  the  groups,  also,  individual  variation 
is  necessary,  and  the  basis  for  decision  must  be  the  mainte- 
nance of  proportion  in  order  to  give  externalities  the  real 
advantage  of  ornament  by  preventing  them  from  intruding 
upon  poetic  power.  Within  the  history  group,  for  example, 
"Richard  II"  and  ''King  John"  present  to  the  manager 
a  problem  less  difficult  than  that  of  ''Henry  VIII."  ^  The 
lyric  continuity  of  the  first  two  plays  gives  the  necessary 
artistic  support  for  the  superinduced  burden  of  material 
pomp.  In  the  third,  less  evenly  constructed,  poetry  alter- 
nates with  spectacle :  what  passes  before  the  eye  here  must 
at  times  discharge  alone  the  function  in  which  poetry  should 
normally  never  have  less  than  an  equal  share. 

The  histories  demand  in  general,  from  their  very  nature, 
more  faithful  reflection  of  fact  in  stage-detail  than  the  other 
groups  of  plays.  They  have  less  dramatic  value  and  attain 
their  full  worth  therefore  only  through  accurate  revival  of 
what  has  once  been  reality.  The  manager  who  would  stage 
the  chronicles  must  do  more,  therefore,  than  offer  to  his 
public  a  picture  which  does  not  violate  cultural  conditions.* 

The  report  on  "Henry  VIH"  as  presented  by  Kean  at 
the  Princess  Theater  in  London,  with  its  challenge  to  German 
managers,  shows  perhaps  more  clearly  than  any  other  single 

1  V.  Z.  Dec.  14,  B  3.  3  w,  2,  VIII,  529  f-  (L.  T.). 

2  V.  Z.  Oct.  17,  1887,  B.  4  cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  7  (1872),  515  (L.  T.). 


81 

instance  Fontane's  idea  of  the  scope  of  a  director's  post- 
creative  power  and  influence.  He  accompanies  this  report 
with  an  extensive  treatment  of  the  program  provided  for  the 
performance;  and  practically  defies  even  the  court  stages  of 
Germany  to  make  a  similar  statement  that  no  picture,  no 
authority  has  been  left  unconsulted  in  the  effort  to  make  a 
drama  a  reliable  mirror  of  the  period  and  the  characters  of 
which  it  treats.^  The  later  realist  speaks  here  distinctly  in 
praise  of  truth  in  historic  detail.  Referring  first  to  Germany 
and  then  to  England  he  says: 

"Man  hat  gewisse  Vorschriften,  nach  denen  man  verfahrt;  man 
kennt  die  Rocke  und  Mantel  der  Reformationszeit,  die  Tracht 
Philipps  II.  und  die  Kostiime  des  Dreizigjahrigen  Krieges,  aber  man 
gibt  sich  wenig  Miihe,  den  Rock  and  Mantel  der  einzelnen  Person- 
lichkeit  ausfindig  zu  machen.  In  dieser  Wahrhaftigkeit  waltet  aber 
ein  ganz  besonderer  Zauber,  vielleicht  um  deshalb,  weil  das  Gefiihl 
instinktmassig  die  interesselose  Schablone  von  der  reizvoUen  Beson- 
derheit  zu  unterscheiden  weiss." 

But  the  commendation  which  he  gives  to  Kean's  method  is 
not  to  be  explained  purely  on  the  basis  of  the  charm  that  he 
found  in  the  portrayal  of  things  as  they  were,  whether  in 
life  —  in  its  broad  sense  —  or  in  history.  He  points  out  the 
fact  that  Kean  has  by  insight,  study,  and  scientific  thorough- 
ness justified  the  presentation  of  a  play  structurally  weak, 
lacking  in  spontaneity  and  in  sustained,  differentiated  char- 
acters, —  a  play  so  clearly  stamped,  too,  as  occasional,  that 
it  cannot  be  compared  with  the  best  of  the  Shakspere  histo- 
ries. What  is  really  dramatic  in  the  material  has,  in  Fon- 
tane's opinion,  remained  a  Wolsey  sketch.  This  ends  with 
the  third  act  and  all  that  follows  is  mere  appendage.  Kean 
pursued  the  only  course  possible  to  give  value  to  the  last 
two  acts  by  making  them  a  panorama  in  which  historic 
accuracy  and  irresistible  poetic  power  combine  for  educa- 
tional and  artistic  results. 

A  later  report  on  ''Richard  HI"  (1887)  shows  some- 
what  less   clearly   the   spirit   of  challenge,   with   much   more 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  510  ff.  (L.  T.);    quotation  is  from  p.  515. 


82 

definite  emphasis  on  the  realistic  in  the  Kean  presentation. 
Fontane  says  of  the  German  performance  which  he  has  just 
seen :  ^ 

"  Unlondonhaf t  waren  die  Decorationen  in  der  Heuchlerscene  mit 
dem  Lordmayor  und  den  Aldermen!  Aber  all  das  sind  Nebensachen; 
es  ist  mit  dem  ausserlichen  Apparat  iiberhaupt  nicht  zu  zwingen, 
wenn  nicht  die  Hauptsache  hinzukommt  .  .  .  worauf  ich  nicht  ver- 
zichten  kann;  das  sind  Menschen,  Personlichkeiten,  die  wenigstens 
zur  Stellung  lebender  Bilder  ausreichen  und  nicht  als  solche  schon 
mich  aus  aller  Illusion  reissen." 

Over  against  this  Fontane  sets  again  as  a  model  "Henry 
Eighth"  as  seen  in  London: 

^' Lange  hevor  es  in  Deutschland  eine  die  Aeusserlichkeit  betonende 
Schule  gab,  gab  es  in  London  ganz  nach  dem  spdtern  Meininger 
Prinzip  arrangierte  Shakespeare-Auffiihrungen,  oder  Shakespeare- 
Revivals,  wie  sie  sich  nannten,  an  deren  Spitze  der  als  Kiinstler 
nicht  hervorragende,^  sonst  aber  grundgescheidte  Charles  Kean  stand. 
.  .  .  Alias  was  sich  da  vor  mir  bewegte  —  mir  schwebt  ganz  speziell 
noch  eine  Darstellung  von  Shakespeares  Heinrich  VIII.  vor,  Kean  als 
Kardinal  Wolsey  —  war  wie  dem  Leben  entnommen,  und  der  Herzog 
von  Buckingham  war  ein  Herzog  von  Buckingham  und  der  Herzog 
von  Norfolk  war  ein  Herzog  von  Norfolk.  .  .  .  Und  wenn  ich  nun 
daneben  der  beiden  Bischofe  gedenke,  die  vorgestern  den  heuch- 
lerischen  Richard  flankirten  und  vieler  andrer,  die  '0  horrible,  most 
horrible'  die  Vorstellung  von  Prinzen  und  Herren  erwecken  soUten!" 

The  realistic  is  usually  subservient,  however,  to  another 
principle:  that  of  proportion  in  the  parts  for  the  sake  of 
harmonious  completeness  in  the  whole.  With  no  surrender 
of  inherent  value  it  becomes,  then,  nothing  more  than  a 
necessary  factor.  This  is  clear  in  the  London  period  in  the 
general  treatment  of  the  adjustment  of  stage  externals  to 
poetic  power  in  the  Shaksperean  plays.  The  idea  of  the 
realistic  as  a  minor  consideration  occurs  later  in  connection 
with  two  performances  of  historic  drama  separated  from  each 

1  V.  Z.  Oct.  4,  No.  461;  the  criticism  of  Grube's  Richard  III  — 
from  this  report  —  is  given:    W,  2,  VIII,  395  f. 

'  This  refers  to  his  histrionic  art;    cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  503. 


83 

other  by  a  period  of  sixteen  years.  The  first  falls  perhaps 
more  strictly  under  suggestions  to  individual  actors,  but  it  is 
certainly  not  without  its  message  for  the  director.  Fontane 
writes  after  the  highest  commendation,  in  other  respects,  of 
Frl.  Lehnbach's  Clarchen  (1872):  ^ 

"Die  Art,  wie  Clarchen  .  .  .  das  Volk  an-  und  aufruft,  diirfte 
vielleicht  zu  beanstanden  sein.  AUer  unmotivirter  Larm  auf  der 
Biihne  ist  uns  verhasst,  aber  es  gibt  dock  auch  Situationen,  wo  ge- 
Idrmt  werden  muss  und  wo  die  Decenz  des  Spiels  zu  einem  Fehler 
werden  kann.  Die  Intentionen  der  Kiinstlerin  erkennen  wir  sehr 
wohl.  Das  Goethe'sche  Clarchen  ist  keine  Jeanne  d'Arc,  die  kriegs- 
begeistert  an  die  Spitze  bewaffneter  Schaaren  tritt;  sie  ist  ein 
schlichtes  Kind,  das,  in  Hornahe  spanischer  Wachen,  zu  eingeschuch- 
terten  Biirgern  spricht.  Alles  gut.  Aber  das  Richtige  im  Leben  ist 
bekanntlich  nicht  immer  das  Richtige  in  der  Kunst.  Die  Griechen, 
wenn  sie  ein  Bildwerk  in  bedeutender  Hohe  aufstellten,  bildeten  die 
Statue  absichtlich  falsch,  damit  sie,  von  unten  aus  gesehen,  richtig 
erscheine.  So  wurde  auch  in  dieser  Scene  das  ausserlich  Unwahr- 
scheinlichere  das  innerlich  Wahrere  sein.  Dieser  Appell  an  das  Volk 
erheischt  mehr  Tonfiille,  als  Frl.  Lehnbach  ihm  gibt." 

The  second  instance  deals  by  coincidence  also  with  the  prob- 
lem of  proportion  in  stage  tumult.  Fontane  says  (1888) 
that  through  too  accurate  realistic  portrayal  the  mob-scenes 
in  ^'Julius  Caesar"  lost  their  proper  relation  to  the  central 
idea;  as  a  consequence  the  speeches  of  Brutus  and  Antony 
had  no  sustained  force  against  the  noise  of  the  populace.^ 

"Die  zu  Starke  Wirkung  auf  unsere  Sinne  verschliesst  uns  den 
Weg  zur  Hauptsache,  den  zur  poetischen  Erhebung." 

In  the  tragedy  of  imagination  and  in  tragi-comedy  the 
director  is  not  confronted  by  the  same  demand  for  accuracy 
in  historic  detail.  The  restriction  put  upon  the  illusory  re- 
sult remains  as  before;  it  must  command  the  service  of  both 
truth  and  naturalness  in  order  that  disturbing  doubt  may 
not  enter  the  spectator's  mind.  Truth  includes  here  both 
faithfulness  in  interpretation  of  the  author's  conception  and 
in  the  suggestion  of  cultural  and  topographical  background 
1  V.  Z.  Mar.  10,  B  4.  *  W,  2,  VIII,  18. 


84 

—  in  so  far  as  necessary  to  give  the  natural  atmosphere  and 
a  consistent  background  for  the  plot.  The  idea  of  intimate 
relation  between  truth  and  convincing  stage-effect  occurs  in 
Fontane's  objection  to  Oechelhauser's  directions  for  the  open- 
ing scene  in  ''Macbeth. "^ 

"Das  Ganze  soil  wie  ein  Accord  im  Winde  sein,  ein  Haidespuk' 
eine  Vision,  ein  Kommen  und  Gehen.  Indemselben  Augenblick,  in 
dem  man  sich  der  Erscheinung  bewusst  wird,  schwindet  sic  auch 
wieder.  So  die  unbedingt  gut  zu  heissende  Intention  des  Bearbeiters. 
Aber  dies  alles  wird  nicht  durch  nachtliche  Finsterniss  und  raumliche 
Entfernung  erreicht,  die,  wahrend  sie  die  Wirkung  steigern  soUen,  sie 
nur  verschlingen.  Unsere  Sinne  mussen  vielmehr  einen  vollen  und 
bestimmien,  wenn  auch  plotzlichen  und  rasch  voriibergehenden  Ein- 
druck  empfangen;  wir  mussen  diese  Hexen  deutlich  sehen  und  deut- 
lich  horen.  Gespenster  die  bios  in  Hohlen  und  Lochern  wohnen,  die 
sich  schamen  an's  Tageslicht  zu  treten,  sind  keine  mehr.  .  .  .  Im 
Speziellen  aber  ist  dies  Erscheinen  auf  drei  Felszacken  ganz  und  gar 
vom  Nebel.  Dariiber,  dass  Shakespeare  erst  eine  'offene  Stelle'  und 
weiterhin  'eine  Haide'  vorschreibt,  sowie  dariiber,  dass  das  Land  im 
vielmeiligen  Umkreis  von  Fores  und  Inverness  flach  wie  eine  Tenne 
daliegt,  iiber  diese  beiden  nicht  unwichtigen  Punkte  gehen  wir  hinweg 
und  haben  lediglich  die  Frage  nach  der  grosseren  oder  geringeren 
Buhnenwirksamkeit  im  Auge.  Da  sind  wir  denn  entschieden  fiir 
eine  Haide  bei  grauem  Tag  {nicht  Nacht  und  Nebel);  der  Buhnen- 
raum  kurz,  aber  durch  eine  perspektivische  Dekoration  vertieft,  im 
Vordergrund  ein  erratischer  Block,  wie  sie  auf  diesen  Haiden  ausge- 
streut  sich  vorfinden;  und  um  diesen  Block  her  die  Drei  beim 
Rendezvous,  in  manchem  Stiick  jenen  'Drei  Furien'  verwandt  und 
nachzubilden,  die  Bocklin's  geniale  Hand  auf  einem  gleichnamigen 
Bilde  hervorzuzaubern  im  Stande  war." 

Fontane  objects  further  to  the  Oechelhauser  setting  for 
Duncan's  reception  of  the  news  of  Macbeth's  victory.  The 
stage  direction  of  Shakspere  (Act  I,  Sc.  2)  is  "Camp  near 
Forres."  Oechelhauser,  arguing  that  an  indoor  scene  was 
here  more  fruitful  of  illusion  than  an  open  landscape,  changes 
this  to  the  interior  of  Forres  Castle.  Fontane  agrees  with 
the  general  principle  of  working  for  the  fullest  effect  of  illu- 
sion, but  would  not  apply  it  here,  since  the  result  is  less 
1  F.  Z.  Nov.  18,  1875,  B  3. 


85 

natural  and  involves  an  unnecessary  return  to  a  background 
used  frequently  before.^ 

But  in  the  demand  for  approximate  truth  in  details  of 
background,  the  natural,  although  a  significant  norm  for 
judgment  here,  is  less  prominent  than  the  norm  of  historic 
accuracy.  Fontane  writes  that  "Macbeth"  as  staged  by  Mr. 
Phelps  in  London  was  a  revelation  not  of  mere  magnificence 
but  of  truth,  or  at  least  of  what  present  knowledge  counts 
as  truth.  He  commends  the  use  of  the  Norman  style  of 
architecture,  not  only  for  inherent  fitness  —  since  its  serious- 
ness and  heaviness  agree  with  the  general  tenor  of  the  trag- 
edy —  but  also  on  the  basis  of  possible  fact,  —  since  its  first 
use  in  England,  after  1066,  falls  approximately  in  the  time 
of  Macbeth.2  Appended  to  this  report  are  some  paragraphs 
on  the  scenery  he  saw  used  in  Germany  for  ''Macbeth" 
within  a  month  after  he  wrote  his  account: 

"Darf  ich  fragen,  was  sich  die  Intendantur  oder  Regie  dabei 
gedacht  hat,  als  sie  fiir  das  Zeitalter  Macbeths  den  Tudorstil  adop- 
tierte  und  samtliche  Schlosser,  Fassaden  und  Hallen  nach  dam  be- 
riihmten  Vorbilde  der  Kapelle  Heinrichs  VII.  baute?  Wenn  man  sich 
solche  Freiheiten  erlauben  und  in  der  'Metropole  der  Intelligenz' 
aller  Bau-  und  Kulturgeschichte  in  dieser  Weise  Hohn  sprechen  will, 
warum  dann  nicht  lieber  gleich  ein  Rokoko-Schloss?  Ja,  ich  wurde 
einen  solchen  Monstrebau  mit  seinen  Schnorkeln  und  Verschlingungen 
vorziehen.  Bei  richtiger  Beleuchtung  hat  der  Rokokostil  etwas 
Spukhaftes;  es  glotzt  einen  aus  den  Ecken  an,  wie  wenn  Zwerge 
und  Kobolde  darin  sassen  und  allerhand  Teufelszeug  trieben.  Ich 
konnte  mir  eine  Lady  Macbeth  in  solcher  Umgebung  schon  denken, 
wie  denn  die  Rokoko-Schlosser  in  der  Tat  gelegentlich  eine  Geschichte 
haben,  die  an  Intrigue  und  Graus  und  Mord  hinter  Nichts  zuriick- 
bleibt,  was  uns  vom  Than  von  Fife  berichtet  wird.  —  Die  Berliner 
Regie  kann  gegen  meine  Anklage  freilich  eine  doppelte  Verteidigung 
erheben;  sie  kann  entweder  sagen,  Macbeth  lebte  in  vorhistorischer 
Zeit,  und  wir  wissen  nichts  iiber  den  schottischen  Schlossbau  jener 
Periode;  oder  sie  darf  mit  den  Fingern  knipsen  und  mich  bedeuten, 
dass  das  alles  Nebensache  sei,  .  .  .  Ich  kann  beide  Antworten  nicht 
gelten  lassen.  Macbeth  ist  kein  Sagenkonig.  Er  regierte  um  die 
Mitte  des  11.  Jahrhunderts.    Wir  wissen  allerdings  nicht  genau,  wie 

1  Ibid.  ^  W,  2,  VIII,  571  f.;    cf.  also:  563,  570. 


die  schottischen  Schlosser  in  der  Zeit  ausgesehen  haben,  aber  wir 
wissen  ganz  bestimmt,  dass  sie  nicht  im  Tudorstil  gebaut  waren. 
Im  Nordwesten  Europas  herrschten  damals  die  Normannen,  und  der 
normannische  Baustil  kam  nach  England,  wenige  Jahrzehnte  nach 
dem  Tode  Macbeths.  Der  N ormannenstil  ist  ein  Zeitgenoss  Mac- 
beths,  und  darin  liegt  die  Berechtigung,  ihn  jilr  die  schottischen  Schlosser 
jener  Zeit  zu  akzeptieren.^' 

But  even  Fontane's  devotion  to  truth  does  not  make  the 
demand  for  accuracy  absolute.  Here  again  it  is  evident 
that  accuracy  is  for  him  but  the  handmaid  of  art,  that  the 
only  absolute  ends  to  be  served  in  dramaturgy  are  unity, 
proportion,  dramatic  effect.  "Winter's  Tale"  impresses 
him  (L.  T.)  as  showing  excessive  stress  upon  what  should 
serve  unobtrusively  as  mere  setting.^  He  suggests  improve- 
ment (1875)  in  an  already  praiseworthy  banquet  scene  in 
"Macbeth"  as  follows:  2 

"...  ware  alles  minder  prdchtig,  nordisch-gTSiuei  in  der  Farbe, 
namentlich  schottisch-armlicher  in  der  Architektur  gewesen,  so 
wiirde  die  Wirkung  dieser  Scene  noch  grosser  gewesen  sein.  .  .  . 
Auch  in  Bezug  hierauf  sind  wir  weit  entfernt,  den  vielhehandelten 
historischen  Aechtheitspunkt  zur  Hauptsache  machen  zu  wollen;  kann 
man  diese  Aechtheit  haben  —  und  Icolmskill,  die  Insel,  auf  der  die 
schottischen  Konige  (speziell  auch  Macbeth)  begraben  wurden,  bietet 
mehr  oder  minder  die  Gelegenheit  dazu  —  so  mag  man  sie  geben; 
das  Entscheidende  bleibt  aber  immer  die  Frage:  ist  das  Aechtere  auch 
das  Bessere,  das  heisst,  das  dramatisch  WirkungsvoUere?  Es  giebt 
nichts  Grausigeres  als  das  Turmzimmer  in  Holy  Rood,  in  dem  Rizzio 
zu  den  Fiissen  Maria  Stuarts  ermordet  wurde,  and  zwar  nichts 
Grausigeres  deshalb,  weil  das  Zimmerchen  nur  fiinf  Schritt  im  Quadrat 
hat.  .  .  .  Und  wie  der  Raum  als  solcher,  so  ist  auch  die  Farbe,  die 
ihn  schmiickt  oder  fiillt,  von  Wichtigkeit.  .  .  .  Zu  viel  tritt  in  Wider- 
spruch  zu  der  Dunkelwirkung  des  Ganzen,  zu  wenig  zeigt  die  Ab- 
sicht  und  verstimmt.  SoUen  wir  kurz  angeben,  was  uns  als  Ideal 
fiir  diese  Gastmahlsscene  vorschwebt,  so  ist  es  eine  weite,  gedriickte 
Halle,  Rundbogen,  kurze  Saulen,  alles  grau  und  braun,  Feldstein- 
farben,  gehoben  hier  und  dort  durch  Teppichbilder,  inmitten  dieser 
dunkelgetonten  Architektur  aber  viel  Gold  und  Rot:  die  Kronen,  die 
Spangen,  die  Kronungsmantel." 

1  W,  2,  Vm,  SOI,  526  f.  2  V.  Z.  Nov.  19,  B  I. 


87 
Again,  of  the  setting  for  ''Hamlet"  he  writes  (1877):  ^ 

"Schwere  Rundbogen  auf  kurzen  Saulen  passt  zu  der  Zeit  wie  zu 
dem  Inhalt  des  Stiicks.  Wo  hiervon  abgegangen  wurde,  wie  zum 
Anfang  des  dritten  Akts,  wo  Hamlet  und  Ophelia  in  der  Gallerie 
zusammentreffen,  ist  es  nicht  zum  Schaden  geschehen;  eine  ge- 
driickte  Architektur  wiirde  hier  storen." 

There  are  also  numerous  detailed  concrete  practical  sug- 
gestions in  Fontane's  criticism  showing  again  the  underlying 
esthetic  principles  of  proportion,  truth,  and  unity  in  the  pro- 
duction of  illusion.  The  use  of  wood  instead  of  canvas  for 
scenery  in  London  (L.  T.)  gives  a  stability  which  increases 
the  impression  of  reality.  Fontane  remarks  in  this  connec- 
tion that  when  the  flowing  night-robes  of  Lady  Macbeth  set 
all  the  columns  in  motion,  no  one  thinks  that  this  might  be 
considered  symbolic  of  the  weakness  and  approaching  fall  of 
the  house  of  Macbeth.  The  English  understand  the  use  of 
space  to  increase  the  effect  of  terror  better  than  the  Germans. 
In  the  Sadler's  Wells  performance  of  ''Macbeth"  (L.  T.)  the 
suspense  attending  the  scene  of  Duncan's  murder  is  increased 
greatly  by  the  arrangement  of  the  sleeping-apartments  so 
that  no  unnecessary  distance  separates  the  audience  from  the 
deed  they  are  following  in  imagination.  There  is  a  similar 
gain  in  the  banquet  scene  through  economy  of  stage-space. 
For  Part  I  of  "Henry  IV"  he  recommends  (L.  T.)  the 
Sadler's  Wells  division  of  the  interior  of  the  Wild  Boar  tavern 
in  East  Cheap  (Act  II),  and  the  use  of  deep  perspective  and 
scenery  wings  to  present  the  three  parts  of  the  battle-field 
(Act  V).  In  "Hamlet"  (Berlin,  1877)  the  stage  for  "The 
Mousetrap"  is  too  far  from  the  audience.  The  play  has  con- 
sequently the  effect  of  a  tableau  and  loses  its  power.^ 

There  is  a  group  of  definite  suggestions  concerning  the 
advantageous  use  of  light  that  seem  almost  commonplace  to 
us  today.  The  poetic  charm  of  the  elf-dance  in  "Midsummer 
Night's  Dream"  (L.  T.)  is  largely  due  to  the  shimmer  of 
moonlight  and  to  gradual  decrease  in  intensity  of  light  and 

1  V.  Z.  Feb.  16,  B  3. 

2  cf.  w,  2,  vm,  573  f.,  567,  551  f.;  V.  z.  Feb.  16,  1877,  b  3. 


the  accompanying  change  from  distinct  to  indistinct  shad- 
ows. The  single  dim  light  upon  the  stage  as  Lady  Macbeth 
(L.  T.)  listens  in  the  murder  scene  is  an  important  factor  in 
producing  horror.^  The  moonlight  on  the  ocean  and  the 
pause  of  the  ghost  in  the  deep  shadows  of  the  pillars  render 
the  appearance  of  the  ghost  in  '' Hamlet"  effective,  but  the 
use  of  a  pale,  sulphurous  light  for  its  final  disappearance 
seems  needlessly  melodramatic:^ 

"Dies  heisst  aber  geistreich  sein  an  der  unrechten  Stella,  und 
fiihrt  dam  Shakaspaara  Hilfan  zu,  dia  ar  nicht  brauchan  kann." 

Although  the  animation  of  the  statue  in  "Winter's  Tale" 
(1886)  is  by  no  means  perfectly  done  in  Berlin,  Fontane 
recalls  that  Kean  had  produced  perfect  illusion  by  drapery 
effects  and  art  in  illumination,  apparently  the  changing  of  a 
blue  light  to  a  warmer  shade  as  the  figure  showed  signs  of  life.^ 
There  are  few  references  to  musical  details,  but  these  in- 
dicate at  least  spasmodic  disregard  for  unity  of  effect  on  the 
part  of  the  director  in  Germany.  Fontane  commends  (L.  T.) 
the  Scotch  martial  music  in  the  Sadler's  Wells  "Macbeth" 
as  a  distinct  addition.^  In  a  criticism  of  "Twelfth  Night" 
(1874),  which  he  pronounces  in  general  one  of  three  successes 
of  the  winter  on  the  Royal  Stage  of  Berlin,  he  writes:^ 

"Warum  muss  —  wann  unser  unmusikalischas  Ohr  uns  nicht  trugt 
—  immar  diasalba  Floten-  und  Harfanmalodie,  bainah  spialdosanartig, 
hintar  dar  Scene  gaspialt  warden?  Wann  man  '  Aschanbrodar  drai 
Taga  vorhar  untar  diasan  Klangan  hat  einschlafan  und  arwachan 
sahn,  so  iibarrascht  as  ainigarmassan,  diasalba  'siissa  Waise'  auch  am 
illyrischan  Hofa  das  Harzogs  Orsino  wiadarzufindan." 

He  suggests  (1877)  that  it  would  be  wise  to  have  the  har- 
vesters in  Gensichen's  ''Euphrosyne"  sing  something  other 
than  "Freudvoll  und  leidvoll."  « 

1  Fontane  writes  similarly  of  the  effective  use  of  half-light  for  this 
same  scene  in  Berlin  in  1875  {V.  Z.  Nov.  18,  B  3). 
•^  V.  Z.  Feb.  16,  1877,  B  3. 

3  V.  Z.  Sept.  30,  Abendausgabe. 

4  W,  2,  VIII,  564. 

6  V.  Z.  Jan.  II,  B  4-  ^  V.  Z.  Oct.  27,  B  3. 


89 

From  numerous  references  to  the  wisdom  necessary  in  the 
representation  of  natural  phenomena  and  of  the  supernatural, 
it  is  evident  that  Fontane  would  not  attempt  to  bar  the  su- 
pernatural from  drama  and  the  stage.  He  recognizes  the  fact, 
however,  that  one  approaches  here  dangerously  near  the  ludi- 
crous and  that  only  a  fine  sense  for  esthetic  differences  can 
attain  the  desired  result.  He  writes  of  the  naturalness  of  the 
roll  of  the  thunder  and  the  pelting  of  the  rain  in  '' Macbeth "i^ 

"Wir  hatten  den  Donner  direkt  iiber  unsern  Kopfen.  Im  zweiten 
Akt,  wahrend  der  Ermordung  Duncans,  werden  die  Schrecken  des 
Moments  durch  diese  klein  erscheinende  AusserHchkeit  nicht  wenig 
gesteigert." 

In  a  criticism  of  the  same  drama  as  given  on  the  Royal 
Stage  (1875)  he  writes:  ^ 

"...  ein  wenig  zu  viel.  Was  in  der  Musik  der  Paukenschlag  ist, 
ist  in  Lear  und  Macbeth  der  Donnerschlag.  Ein  schlechter  hebt  die 
Wirkung  von  drei  guten  wieder  auf .  Dies  und  das  —  weil  unver- 
meidlich  —  darf  verloren  gehen;  aber  jene  Stellen  der  Dichtung,  die 
machtiger  sind  als  aller  Aufruhr  der  Elemente,  diese  durfen  nicht  dem 
Larm,  der  bios  ausserlichen  Einwirkung  auf  die  Nerven  geopfert 
werden." 

He  commends  the  noiseless  appearance  (L.  T.)  of  the  ghost 
of  Banquo  from  a  side  niche  as  preferable  to  the  common 
device,  attended  by  noise  not  suggestive  of  spirits,  of  having 
him  rise  before  the  chair  designed  for  him  at  the  banquet.^ 
He  opposes  Oechelhauser's  opinion  (1877)  that  the  ghosts  in 
"Richard  HI"  should  be  mere  visions,  quoting  in  this 
connection  from  Director  A.  Marcks  of  Hanover,  with  whom 
he  agrees : ^ 

"Ich  gebe  zu,  dass  die  Reden  der  Geister  bei  schlechter  oder 
mangelhafter  Recitation  auf  einen  Teil  des  PubHkums  langweilig 
oder  gar  lacherlich  wirken  konnen,  nie  aber  kann  dies  der  Fall  sein, 
bei  wundervoUer  Darstellung  und  einigem  darauf  verwandten  Fleiss; 
ja  die  Wirkung  muss  um  so  grosser  sein,  je  grosser  die  anverwandten 
Mittel  sind.    Und  zu  diesen  Mitteln  gehort  vor  allem  der  Ton.  .  .  . 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  563.  3  W,  2,  VIII,  575. 

2  V.  Z.  Nov.  18,  B  3.  *  V.  Z.  Nov.  27,  B  3. 


90 

Ich  bin  fern  von  aller  Coulissenreisserei,  aber  diese  Reden,  und  seien 
es  auch  nur  wenige,  scheinen  mir  nothwendig  zu  sein.  Richard  muss 
seine  Seele  daran  wetzen  fiir  den  Monolog  aller  Monologe." 

The  necessity  for  a  good  ensemble  in  order  to  attain  a 
worthy  reproduction  of  a  dramatic  conception  proves,  finally, 
common  ground  on  which  the  message  to  directors  and  that 
to  actors  meet.  The  whole  group  of  suggestions  concerning 
the  wise  adaptation  of  players  to  parts  has  value  for  both 
actor  and  manager.  The  Royal  Stage  was,  in  Fontane's 
opinion,  weak  in  this  respect;  on  the  other  hand,  he  ascribes 
Laube's  fame  and  success  as  director  largely  to  the  insight 
and  individuality  attributed  to  him  in  the  assignment  of 
roles.^ 

For  both  director  and  actor  careful  study  of  three  things 
is  necessary:  the  original  dramatic  conception;  the  historical 
and  cultural  background  which  fact  and  the  author's  adapta- 
tion of  fact  produce  for  the  role;  and  the  physical,  intellec- 
tual, and  emotional  qualities  of  the  actor  who  is  to  play  it. 
In  the  role  of  King  John,  for  example,  Kean's  very  short- 
comings of  figure  and  voice  were  calculated  to  portray  a 
small,  fearful,  whimsical,  inconsiderate  nature;  yet  the  part 
of  Richard  II,  which  Emil  Devrient  gave  to  perfection,  Fon- 
tane  pronounced  impossible  for  Kean,  since  Kean's  appear- 
ance and  temperament  were  at  variance  with  both  historical 
character  and  poetic  conception.^ 

Insight  into  national  limitations  of  temperament  enters  so 
largely  into  the  question  of  assignment  of  roles  that  suc- 
cess or  failure  is  often  dependent  upon  it.  Fontane  writes 
(1874)  of  Dumas'  ''Mademoiselle  de  Belle-Isle"  that  the 
charm  of  the  play  is  specifically  French  and  that  given  with- 
out French  temperament  it  is  champagne  without  the  sparkle. 
Related  to  this  idea  is  his  doubt  (1871)  as  to  whether  any 
actress  without  Catholic  training  and  traditions  behind  her 
could  give  the  distinctive  touch  to  the  role  of  Maria  Stuart 
that  Adelaide  Ristori  gave  it.     For  Lear  (1881)  he  argued  a 

1  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  424  (1873). 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  508  f.,  530  ff. 


91 

universal  stamp.  On  account  of  the  leveling  influence  of 
years,  the  old  man  drawing  near  to  childhood  again  in  life's 
circle  is  everywhere  the  same.  Hamlet,  on  the  contrary,  is 
distinctly  a  northern  conception;  and  Romance  actors,  in 
spite  of  an  unusual  degree  of  realism  in  portraying  anything 
that  can  be  observed  and  copied,  lack  ability  to  conceive  and 
reproduce  the  inner  conflict.^ 

Some  roles  are  practically  impossible  for  an  unromantic 
temperament;  for  the  Sultan  in  "Nathan  der  Weise"  the 
element  of  romance  is  important  in  order  to  avoid  the  false 
extremes  of  the  prosaic  and  the  sentimental;  for  Kathchen  of 
Heilbronn  and  the  Maid  of  Orleans  this  element  is  vital  and 
must  amount  to  a  poetic  belief  in  the  possibility  of  the  ex- 
perience involved.^ 

Other  roles  cannot  succeed  without  a  natural  demoniac 
element;  the  Countess  Orsina,  Adelheid  von  Runeck,  Queen 
Margaret  in  ** Henry  VI"  are  not  convincing  if  "blond"  in 
temperament;  even  Wallenstein  and  Hamlet  demand  a  cer- 
tain demoniac  depth.^ 

There  is  an  interesting  group  of  criticisms  based  on  voice- 
quality  and  the  connection  between  voice  and  soul,  which 
contain  much  of  value  for  both  director  and  actor.  Fontane 
writes  in  praise  of  Kahle's  Lear  (1871): 

"...  die  ganze  Scala  der  Afekte  und  Seelenzusidnde  ging  der 
Ktinstler  mit  gleicher  Meisterschaft  durch:  konigliche  Wurde,  eitles 
Selbstgefiihl,  Zorn,  Schmerz,  Wehmut,  aufflammende  Raserei,  kindi- 
sches  Bangen,  zusammenbrechende  Schwache.  Alle  Tone  standen  ihm 
zu  Gebot.  Seine  Stimme,  veil  Kraft,  Wohlklang,  Biegung,  vor  allem 
veil  jenes  seelengehorenen  Metalls,  ohne  das  die  Tragodie  die  letzte 
Staffel  nicht  erreichen  kann,  weiss  bei  ihm  auszugleichen,  was  seiner 
kaum  mittelgrossen  ausseren  Erscheinung  fehlt;  —  jetzt  rollen  die 
Worte  wie  Donner,  dann  klagen  sie  wieder  traumerisch,  wie  Herbst- 
wind,  der  uber  abgefallene  Blatter  weht." 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  125!.,  403,  415,  409  f. 

2  V.  Z.:  Aug.  20,  1872,  B  2;  May  13,  1873,  B  2;  Mar.  26,  1789,  B  i; 
May  II,  1880,  B  2. 

»  W,  2,  VIII  36ff.  —  F.  Z.:  May  30,  1873,  B  2;  Nov.  14,  1871, 
B  2;    Apr.  8,  1889,  Abendausgabe. 


92 

In  connection  with  praise  of  Frl.  Lehnbach's  Clarchen  (1872), 
he  deplores  the  lack  in  North  Germany  of  a  sympathetic 
voice-quality: 

"Die  Stimme.  Wie  sich  uns  dieser  rheinisch-siiddeutscher  Klang 
wieder  wohlthuend  um  das  Herz  legte!  Wir  empfinden  dann  immer 
mit  einem  gewissen  Schmerz,  dass  wir  auf  dieser  unserer  markischen 
Sandscholle  wohl  politische,  aber  nicht  nationale  Deutsche  sind.  Wir 
sind  etwas  anderes,  modern-Eigenartiges,  vielleicht  (fiir  den,  der  es 
horen  will)  etwas  geistig  hoher  Potenzirtes,  aber  den  eigentHch  deut- 
schen  Ton  haben  wir  nicht.  ...  Der  Stimme  entsprach  hier  die  Ge- 
stalt.  Jeder  Moment  ein  in  sich  abgeschlossenes  plastisches  Bild. 
Alle  Bewegungen  einfach,  ungesucht,  und  doch  eben  so  fein  wie  reich 
ntiancirt." 

He  writes  (1877)  that  the  voice  for  Astarte  in  "Manfred"  is 
a  difficult  problem,  the  solution  of  which  depends  rather 
upon  nature  than  upon  art;  (1882)  that  Frl.  Kessler  has 
attained  a  triumph  in  her  Lady  Milford  by  overcoming  the 
prosaic  tone  which  had  made  her  successful  previously  only 
in  modern  salon-roles.^ 

A  further  requisite  for  ensemble  work  —  and  one  for  which 
Fontane  again  commends  Laube  —  is  the  training  of  actors 
for  their  parts.  He  writes  (1871)  that  the  directors  should 
protest  against  the  false  interpretation  of  roles  or  of  impor- 
tant speeches;  (1872)  that  the  Royal  Stage  does  not  under- 
stand the  art  of  training.^ 

A  royal  stage  should  set  for  itself  the  further  aim  of  sup- 
porting an  actor  for  comparatively  few  parts.  There  are 
various  pleas  for  the  luxury  of  histrionic  specialization  with 
emphasis  upon  the  injustice  done  to  the  impersonator  in  the 
assignment  of  a  role  not  suited  to  his  talent.  Of  the  re- 
sources of  the  Royal  Stage  in  Berlin  to  meet  this  need  Fon- 
tane writes:  ^ 

1  F.  Z.:  Feb.  26,  1871,  B  4;  Mar.  10,  1872,  B  4;  Mar.  30,  1877, 
B  3;    Mar.  12,  1882,  B  i. 

2  V.  Z.  Nov.  14,  1871,  B  2;  W,  2,  VIII,  41.  — As  late  as  1887  the 
failure  of  the  Royal  Stage  in  this  line  is  noted.  (F.  Z.  Feb.  11,  No. 
70,  B). 

3  V.  Z.  Nov.  14,  1871,  B  2. 


93 

"...  diese  sind  unzureichend,  ganz  besonders  auch  in  Bezug  auf 
Zahl  und  Umfang.  Der  Personal-Bestand  ist  einfach  nicht  gross 
genug;  so  werden  die  Krafte  nicht  nur  ungebiihrlich  angestrengt, 
sondern  auch  an  ofenbar  falscher  Stelle  verwendet.  .  .  .  Mann  muss 
hervorragende  Schauspieler  gar  nicht  in  die  Lage  bringen,  Dinge 
spielen  zu  soUen,  zu  denen  sie  nicht  passen.  Soil  dabei  etwa  von 
*  Geldrucksichten '  gesprochen  werden,  so  beruhrt  uns  dies  geradezu 
komisch.  Diese  diirfen  in  der  neuen  Kaiserstadt,  einem  solchen 
Institut  gegeniiber,  gar  nicht  existiren.    Es  muss  sich  finden." 

The  director  should  demand,  finally,  that  each  role  be 
given  its  proper  proportion,  and  the  artistic  interest  of  the 
actor  should  in  turn  show  itself  superior  to  personal  ambi- 
tion in  this  respect.  Fontane  commends  the  English  stage 
(L.  T.)  for  the  fact  that  no  part  is  made  aggressive  by  un- 
due emphasis.  He  acknowledges  that  the  method  may  some- 
times prove  a  hindrance  to  the  full  development  of  histrionic 
ability,  but  its  result  is,  on  the  other  hand,  often  salutary 
for  the  individual  actor  in  preventing  a  false  line  of  develop- 
ment. The  English  stage  shows,  therefore,  normal  human 
beings  and  avoids  affectation,  the  falseness  (Unwahrheit)  which 
result  in  Germany  from  the  actor's  desire  for  prominence.^ 

"Herr  Forster  hat  in  ihnen  sein  Regie  talent  wiederum  glanzend 
bethatigt.  Die  Belebung  der  Scene,  wie  sie  im  'Deutschen  Theater'  con- 
sequent angestrebt  wird,  dieses  stete  Herausarbeiten  von  Gruppen  und 
Bildern,  welche  alle  zu  alien  in  Beziehung  setzen  und  in  ihrer  charak- 
teristischen  Pracht  sich  der  Phantasie  machtig  einpragen,  ist  fiir .  uns 
in  Berlin  etwas  ganz  Neues.  Wir  sind  viel  zu  sehr  gewohnt  zu  fragen, 
wie  war  Liedtke  und  die  Frieb,  Bornay  und  Fr,  Niemann-Rabe." 

In  the  message  which  is  addressed  more  specifically  to  actors 
alone,  although  it  contains  also  much  of  value  to  directors, 
the  prevailing  note  is  again  personal  responsibility,  individual 
loyalty  in  the  service  of  art.  The  incompleteness  of  results 
shows  that  actors  do  not  properly  estimate  the  importance 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  585  f.  —  Fontane's  praise  of  the  ensemble  effects  in 
"Die  Karlsschuler"  as  given  in  the  Deutsches  Theater  indicates  the  per- 
sistence of  individual  ambition  on  the  Berlin  stage  as  a  whole  as  late 
as  1883.  He  writes  with  especial  reference  to  ensemble  scenes  {V.  Z. 
Dec.  4,  B  i): 


94 

of  study  in  order  to  render  faithfully  the  conception  of  the 
author  entirely  free  from  the  bonds  of  their  own  personality. 
Art  demands  that  beauty  serve  truth,  and  only  that  degree 
of  beauty  is  natural  and  true,  which  is  the  expression  of  the 
author's  thought  and  of  the  actor's  inner  experience  in  giving 
life  to  this  thought.  Adelaide  Ristori  is  praised  (1871)  for 
the  artistic  husbandry  shown  in  the  use  of  her  gifts,  in  the 
proportioning  of  her  powers  to  the  demand  of  the  moment, 
in  the  use  of  personality  as  a  mere  means  to  an  end  in  the 
service  of  the  dramatist.  Such  results  are  the  fruits  of  care- 
ful study  only.^  Fontane  mentions  the  fact  that  Mrs.  Sid- 
dons  is  said  to  have  played  her  roles  by  instinct;  but 
although  he  calls  Doring  a  genius,  he  says  of  Boring's  boast 
that  his  figures  rose  before  his  mind  in  an  instant,  complete 
and  lifelike,  that  these  complete  figures,  although  always 
interesting,  were  sometimes  false.^ 

Again  there  is  the  idea  that  the  historic  role  presents  par- 
ticular difficulty  in  order  to  give  the  author's  conception  in 
the  light  of  fact  and  make  the  result  artistically  harmonious 
and  historically  true.  The  ideal  here  is  rarely  attained, 
since  it  involves  that  highest  degree  of  art  that  gives  the  im- 
pression of  perfect  spontaneity.^ 

One  condition  is  possible,  however,  which  absolves  the 
actor  in  case  of  failure  to  make  a  character  live:  absurdity 
of  detail  in  a  great  conception  especially  may  be  overcome, 
but  no  histrionic  art  can  redeem  what  is  fundamentally  false. 
Fontane  places  in  this  category  the  role  of  Uriel  Acosta.  He 
writes  (1873):  * 

"Maine  Empfindung  verwirft  Uriel  Acosta  und  ist  umgekehrt 
nicht   nur   durch   alles   Shakespearische   hingerissen,   sondern   sogar 

»  W,  2,  VIII,  402  ff.  —  V.  Z.  Dec.  5,  B  2. 

«  W,  2,  VIII:  566  (L.  T.),  23  (1884). 

'  This  height  Fontane  saw  attained  in  Kahle's  interpretation  of 
Richard  III.  He  writes  that  it  was  free  from  any  trace  of  study: 
"Alles  frisch  und  frei,  stark  und  gewaltig,  wie  ein  Strudel  die  Seele 
des  Horers  fassend  und  sie  in  die  damonischen  Tiefen  reissend."  (7.  Z. 
June  13,  1873,  B  2.) 

4  W,  2,  X,  308. 


95 

auch  durch  die  'Rauber.'  Detailblodsinn  schadet  nichts,  wenn  nur 
das  Ganze  richtig  gefuhlt  und  gedacht  ist." 

Brachvogel's  Narziss  belongs  also  in  the  list  of  rejected 
characters.  Mme.  de  Pompadour  appeals  to  Fontane  as  a 
great  historic  role,  but  he  says  (1879)  that  the  play  as  a 
whole  transgresses  in  ideas  and  situations  as  does  "Uriel 
Acosta"  in  character.  Of  the  fact  that  Brachvogel's  origi- 
nality is  frequently  compared  to  that  of  Schiller  in  "Die 
Rauber,"  he  writes  (i88i):i 

"Aber  welche  Welt  von  Unterschied!  GeniaHtat,  die  toUt,  ist 
herzerfrischend.  Genialitat,  die  quasselt,  ist  bless  unangenehm. 
Und  woven  quasselt  sie  hier  mit  Verliebe?  Ven  'Legik'  und  *Pra- 
misse '.  Welches  Labsal  daneben  ist  das  einfache  Hexeneinmaleins : 
*Aus  eins  mach'  zehn,  Und  zwei  lass  gehn,  Und  drei  mach'  gleich, 
So  bist  du  reich  usw.'  Und  tretzdem  dreissig  Jahre  lang  dieselbe 
Bewunderung." 

Again,  in  what  he  terms  a  thankless  part,  Fontane  does 
not  hold  the  actor  responsible  for  a  strong  positive  result. 
His  obligation  toward  the  organic  whole  is,  however,  undi- 
minished, as  shown  in  the  brief  criticism  of  Goneril  and 
Regan  (i87i):2 

"...  freilich  keine  dankbaren  Rollen,  aber  sie  sind  viel  zu  bedeuiend, 
als  dass  man  bei  ihrer  Besetzung  leichthin  zu  Werke  gehen  durfte.  Sind 
sie  unausreichend  besetzt,  so  wirken  diese  beiden  Rollen  einfach  degou- 
iant  und  dadurch  storend  eder  gefahrbringend  fiir  das  Ganze.'' 

The  witch  in  "Der  Traum  ein  Leben"  falls  into  the  category 
of  thankless  roles  because  indistinctly  portrayed;  ^  Leander 
C'Des  Meeres  und  der  Liebe  Wellen")  can  be  accepted,  espec- 
ially in  Act  IV,  only  out  of  respect  to  a  great  poet  and  the 
abundant  poetic  power  that  precedes  this  act;  *  in  Heyse's 
"Die  Weisheit   Salomos"    the   Queen    of    Sheba   gives   little 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  170  ff.  —  V.  Z.  Dec.  II,  B  2. 

«  V.  Z.  Feb.  26,  B  4  (additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  29  f.). 

»  V.  Z.  Dec.  14,  1878,  B  3. 

*  V.  Z.  Oct.  14,  1818,  B  I.  —  A  former  criticism  (1874)  sums  up  the 
general  weakness  of  this  role  as  follows:  "Im  ersten  Akt  ist  er  ein 
Schweigender,  im  funften  ein  Toter."     (W,  2,  VIII,  108.) 


96 

opportunity  to  an  actor,  since  a  supposedly  impressive  figure 
is  made  dramatically  inferior  here  in  the  service  of  a  simple 
human  truth.^ 

But  more  frequently  the  tenor  of  Fontane's  message  is  the 
unique  responsibility  of  the  actor  as  a  collaborator,  so  to 
speak,  of  the  dramatist.  If  a  play  or  a  character  is  not 
falsely  conceived,  it  rests  with  the  actor  in  many  cases  to 
make  a  doubtful  situation  or  an  indistinct  figure  convincing. 
Clever  action  motivating  the  change  of  rapiers  in  the  duel 
of  Hamlet  and  Laertes  (L.  T.)  divests  the  scene  of  the  im- 
probability often  charged  against  it.  The  role  of  Emilia 
(*' Othello"),  usually  considered  a  minor  part,  is  in  England 
given  a  place  inferior  to  none  in  Acts  IV  and  V  (L.  T.) ;  the 
English  interpretation  renders  it  the  distinct  counterpart 
(Gegenstiick)  of  Desdemona,  the  supplement  to  her  loyalty, 
thus  giving  fullest  strength  and  unity  to  the  entire  concep- 
tion.2     He  writes  (1874)  of  Iffland's  ''Der  Spieler"  :» 

"Das  Stiick  .  .  .  ist  .  .  .  sehr  auf  das  Spiel  gestellt.  ...  1st  dies 
voUendet,  so  zahlt  es  zu  dem  Wahrsten  und  Wirkungsvollsten  was 
man  sehen  kann,  ist  es  dagegen  unvoUkommen,  so  findet  nicht  nur 
eine  entsprechende  Abschwachung  der  Wirkung  statt,  sondern  auch 
die  Wahrheit,  die  Begreiflichkeit  dessen,  was  sich  vor  unseren  Augen 
voUzieht,  geht  zu  nicht  geringem  Tail  verloren.  .  .  .  vom  biihnen- 
praktischen  Standpunkt  aus  jedoch  ist  gegen  seiche  Stiicke  wenig 
zu  sagen,  so  lange  Schauspieler  da  sind,  die,  ihre  Genialitat  in  die 
HauptroUe  hineintragend,  das  Skizzenhafte  auszufiihren,  dem  Keim 
Wachstum  und  Gestaltung  zu  geben  verstehen." 

The  full  possibilities  of  such  a  character  as  Tiefenbacher  are 
realized  only  when  every  word  and  glance  has  meaning  such 
as  Kahle  gives  it  (iSyS)."*     Fontane  even  justifies  Christian 

^  Fontane  does  not  give  this  as  his  reason  for  the  simple  statement 
that  the  Queen  of  Sheba  is  a  thankless  role.  This  reason  may,  however, 
be  inferred  from  his  whole  discussion  of  the  drama,  —  a  vindication  on 
poetic  grounds  of  Heyse's  independence  of  historic  fact  in  portraying  the 
love  of  Solomon  for  the  gardener's  daughter,  Sulamith  (cf.  V.  Z.  Feb.  21, 
1888,  B  i). 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  541,  482  f. 

«  V.  Z.  Feb.  8,  B  4. 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  69. 


97 

Ulrich  in  modifying  Otto  Ludwig's  conception  of  the  Erb- 
fdrster,  attributing  a  real  service  to  him  in  departing  in  his 
interpretation  (1882)  not  only  from  histrionic  tradition  but 
from  absolute  accuracy:  ^ 

"Er  betonte,  so  lange  wie  moglich,  die  zwar  urkraftige,  zugleich 
aber  gutgeartete,  beinahe  joviale  Natur,  und  liess  ein  leis  humoris- 
tisch  gefarbtes  Element  auch  da  noch  vorwalten,  wo  andere  Darsteller 
schon  den  Hitzkopf  und  Cholericus  in  die  Front  Stellen.  Der 
Vorzug  einer  solchen  moderirten  Auffassung  liegt  nicht  in  einem 
grosseren  Maass  von  Richtigkeit,  sondern  in  einem  grosseren  Maasse 
von  Erquicklichkeit.^' 

Krause  performs  a  creative  service  for  lUo  (1884,  "Wallen- 
stein's  Tod")  through  the  addition  of  distinct  local  coloring 
of  the  Brandenburg  type  to  accuracy  in  following  textual 
suggestions.^  Ludwig's  stress  upon  the  seaman,  soldier,  and 
tippler  rather  than  upon  the  poet  type  in  interpreting  Wilden- 
bruch's  Marlowe  (1884)  adds  force  to  the  dramatic  idea  of 
a  human  soul  in  the  fatal  grip  of  evil.^ 

Similarly,  the  artistic  appeal  of  an  entire  play  may  be 
greatly  decreased  or  even  destroyed  by  a  false  line  of  in- 
terpretation. Fontane  argues  (187 1)  for  the  madness  of 
insanity  in  Lear  as  preferable  to  the  Lear  of  pathological 
type,  who  calls  forth  only  pity;  the  Shaksperean  concep- 
tion demands  that  the  method  chosen  be  the  one  suggestive 
of  power  in  spite  of  madness;  not  the  lifeless  eye,  but  the 
gloomy  depth  from  which  light  flashes  gives  the  "fantastic 
touch"  necessary  in  order  to  ^'idealize  a  reality  in  itself  de- 
void of  beauty."     The  emphasis  in  the  character  of  Carlos 

1  V.  Z.  Mar.  8,  B  i. 

2  V.  Z.  Nov.  18,  B  I.  One  paragraph  of  this  report  is  given:  W,  2 
VIII,  76. 

'  That  Fontane's  dislike  for  poet  heroes  did  not  determine  this  point 
of  view  seems  clear  from  the  general  tone  of  this  criticism,  that  the  more 
unusual  conception  of  Marlowe's  appearance  is  in  harmony  with  the 
dramatic  theme,  through  which  especially  this  drama  is  for  Fontane 
superior  to  "Harold"  and  "Die  Karolinger."  Fontane  criticizes  this 
drama  as  severely  as  any  other  by  Wildenbruch  for  lack  of  motivation, 
especially  in  the  treatment  of  Walsingham.  (W.  2,  VIII,  260  £f.;  and 
V.  Z.  Dec.  14,  B  I.) 


in  "Clavigo'^  must  be  not  upon  human  feeling  but  upon 
cool  calculation,  since  the  entire  drama  loses  in  convincing 
power  if  Carlos  is  not  made  the  incarnation  of  an  inexorable 
principle.  The  interpretation  of  Questenberg  as  a  courtier 
under  forty  with  a  trace  of  party  envy  gives  Wallenstein 
(1878)  too  soon  a  certain  justification  for  following  his  am- 
bition, since  it  makes  jealousy  and  not  imperial  authority 
the  determining  force  at  the  Viennese  court.  So  important 
is  the  bearing  of  this  character  upon  dramatic  effect  and 
soundness  that  Fontane  attaches  no  value  in  this  case  to  the 
possibility  of  historic  fact  as  a  basis  for  Kahle's  interpreta- 
tion. He  recommends  without  reserve  the  older  and  less 
ambitious  Questenberg.  Through  exaggerated  declamation, 
Matkowsky  increases  the  inesthetic  element  (1887)  in  Don 
Cesar's  narrative  (''Die  Braut  von  Messina")  of  the  obse- 
quies of  his  father  and  his  own  first  glimpse  of  Beatrice.^ 

The  suggestions  to  actors  have  indicated  already  that 
character  analysis  is  a  prominent  factor  in  Fontanels  reports. 
This  is,  to  be  sure,  no  uncommon  element  in  theater  criti- 
cism. The  lines  into  which  Fontane  directs  such  analysis 
are,  however,  somewhat  distinctive  and  entirely  characteris- 
tic in  that  they  group  themselves  largely  about  recurrent 
principles:  the  importance  of  the  natural  and  its  connection 
with  truth  and  artistic  unity;  the  incompatibility  of  the 
natural  and  the  rhetorical;  the  unreality  of  extreme  pathos 
and  sentimentality;  the  superiority  of  genuine  personality 
to  conscious  cultivation  of  the  poetic.^ 

Yet  Fontane  makes  it  clear  here  as  elsewhere  throughout 
his  work  that  the  natural  and  the  realistic  are  not  a  law  in 
themselves,  but  that  they  serve  the  higher  esthetic  principles 
of  fitness  and  proportion.  He  questions,  for  instance,  the 
excess  of  reserve  in  Berndal's  interpretation  of  Questenberg 
and  of  Wrangel  (187 1)  as  inartistic  although  perhaps  realistic:^ 

>  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII:   29  (1871),  41  f.  (1872),  72  ff.  (1878),  398  f.  (1887). 

2  V.  Z.  Feb.  26,  1884,  B  1.  — He  writes  here  that  the  role  of  Viola 
requires  personality,  —  roguishness  and  wit,  gaiety  and  freshness,  that 
poetic  tenderness  alone  is  not  suflScient  for  it. 

3  V.  Z.,  Nov.  14,  B  2  (additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  70  ff.). 


99 

"Als  Historiker  und  Charakteristiker  hat  er  sehr  wahrscheinlich 
Recht,  aber  nach  jenem  Kunstgesetz,  das  unter  Umsidnden  ein  sick 
Freimachen  vom  Natiirlichen,  eine  massvolle  Ueberschreitung  der 
Wirklichkeit  fordert,  .  .  .  hat  er  vielleicht  nicht  immer  Recht.  Er 
bringt  sich  dadurch  auch  um  erlaubte  Effekte." 

He  writes  (1877)  that  Ludwig's  restless  pacing  during  the 
speech  preceding  the  battle  in  *' Henry  V"  adds  military 
color  to  the  scene  but  decreases  the  appeal  inherent  in  the 
beauty  of  the  language;  and  Fontane  formulates  here  a 
tenet  to  which  he  holds  throughout  his  work  as  critic :  ^ 

"Aber  die  Kunst  hat  nicht  bios  die  Wirklichkeit  zu  befragen; 
es  muss  da  eine  Vermittlung,  ein  neutraler  Boden  gefunden  werden, 
auf  dem  sich  fester  und  ruhiger  stehen  lasst." 

In  spite  of  his  conviction  that  modern  histrionic  art  is  su- 
perior to  that  of  the  Weimar  school,  he  admits  (1879)  that 
the  latter  is  better  able  to  cope  with  such  a  role  as  Tell, 
that  the  Schiller  roles  can  come  into  their  own  only  through 
the  rescue  of  idealism  from  realism.^  He  writes  similarly 
(1882),  in  comparing  Conrad's  von  Kalb  with  Dehnicke's 
conception  of  the  character,  that  Conrad's  is  the  more  real- 
istic, has  more  of  the  genuine  court-marshal  in  it;  that 
Dehnicke's  is,  however,  more  in  accordance  with  Schiller's 
portrayal  and  tends,  therefore,  to  more  complete  harmony 
in  the  whole.^ 

That  Fontane  was  capable  of  these  fine  distinctions  be- 
tween the  realistic  per  se  and  the  realistic  merely  as  an 
approach  to  artistic  completeness  seems  all  the  more  remark- 
able in  view  of  the  importance  he  attached  to  the  smallest 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  366. 

2  F.  Z.,  Nov.  13,  B  2.  —  Fontane  wrote  (1875)  that  the  North-Ger- 
man exaggeration  of  external  signs  of  emotion  destroyed  the  tragic  power 
of  the  interpretation,  that  the  South-German  school  of  acting,  repre- 
sented by  Weimar  and  Munich,  excelled  the  North-German  in  plastic 
effects  (F.  Z.  Nov.  19,  B  i);  he  complained  (1878)  that  there  was  no 
romanticism  in  the  heart  of  the  average  actor  (W,  2,  VIII,  84),  and  again 
(1884)  that  Schiller  was  not  as  a  rule  adequately  interpreted  (W,  2, 
VIII,  80). 

»  F.  Z.  Mar.  12,  B  i. 


100 

lifelike  details;  it  is,  in  fact,  only  through  consideration  of 
these  minute  points  that  one  can  appreciate  fully  the  promi- 
nence of  the  realistic  vein  in  his  esthetic  nature.  Along  with 
innumerable  suggestions  having  to  do  with  various  points 
not  heretofore  mentioned,  such  as  tempo,  emphasis,  pronun- 
ciation, the  effective  use  of  silence,  of  repetition,  of  variation, 
there  are  a  goodly  number  showing  the  keenest  observation 
of  externalities,  the  most  intimate  knowledge  of  the  relation 
between  human  impulse  and  action;  one  sees  here,  as  it  were, 
those  faculties  in  process  of  growth  of  which  there  is  fullest 
evidence  in  the  completed  narratives  of  Fontane's  latest 
literary  development.  There  is,  for  instance,  this  suggestion 
(1872)  from  a  report  on  "Kabale  und  Liebe":^ 

"Wenn  Ferdinand  sich  ertappt  und  sein  Liebesverhaltniss  halb 
und  halb  verraten  sieht,  so  muss  er  zusammenschrecken,  aber  nicht 
den  Kopf  einziehen.  Er  darf  zucken,  aber  nicht  sich  ducken.  Das 
tut  kein  Major.  Ferner  wenn  Luise  (Akt  III)  das  Tuch  auf  den 
Stuhl  werfen  will  und  es  fallt  daneben,  muss  sie  es  auflangen.  Luise 
ist  eines  armen  Stadtmusikanten  Tochter  und  armer  Leute  Kinder 
schonen,  auch  inmitten  leidenschaftlicher  Erregung,  ihre  Sachen. 
Das  ist  ihnen  eben  zweite  Natur  gewordenJ*^ 

He  explains  as  follows  his  objection  (1878)  to  the  fact  that 
Ludwig,  as  Mortimer  in  ''Maria  Stuart,"  had  taken  Leices- 
ter's hand  from  above:  ^ 

"Mortimer  tritt  auf  Leicester  zu,  und  erfasst,  mitten  im  Ge- 
sprach,  die  Hand  des  Grafen  von  ober  her.  Das  ist,  glaube  ich, 
unstatthaft.  Es  ist,  als  ob  ein  junger  Herr  von  Rohr  oder  Schlip- 
penbach  die  Hand  des  Fiirsten  Bismarck  von  oben  her  ergreifen 
wollte." 

Sincere  interest  in  art,  in  the  artistic  function  of  the  stage, 
and  in  the  improvement  of  the  German  stage  to  fulfil  this 
function,  reveal  themselves  in  this  mass  of  varied  details. 
The  public  must  demand  truth.  The  dramatist  must  disre- 
gard self  and  know  life,  not  only  through  observation  of  the 
palpable,   but   through   intuitive   insight   into   the   souls   and 

1  V.  Z.  Aug.  28,  B  2.  2  F.  Z.  Mar.  27,  B  3. 


101  —'.".'•    •>-^'-  '-' 

thoughts  of  men.  The  director  and  the  actor  must  make  the 
consideration  of  gain  subservient  to  the  requirements  of  a  high 
artistic  ideal.  Both  must  approach  their  task  with  rever- 
ence for  art,  with  untiring  diligence,  with  practical  insight, 
and  an  esthetic  sense  capable  of  appreciating  fine  distinc- 
tions and  of  securing  an  accurate  balance  in  the  union  of 
beauty  and  truth.  Beauty  cannot  exist  without  harmony, 
and  truth  involves  both  the  reality  of  life  and  the  vision  of 
the  poet-seer. 

Finally,  these  demands  upon  all  the  factors  which  unite 
in  the  creation  of  a  vital  stage  for  vital  art  cannot  yield  to 
the  excuse  that  stubborn  conditions  are  an  insurmountable 
barrier.  From  1873  there  is  a  word  in  this  connection  with 
special  reference  to  actors:  ^ 

"Wir  wollen  gern  einraumen,  dass,  je  langer  wir  unsere  Theater- 
zustande  beobachten,  es  uns,  Schritt  haltend  mit  unserer  wachsenden 
Kenntniss,  immer  zweifelhafter  wird,  ob  man  zur  Zeit  diese  Dinge 
Uberhaupt  besser  darzustellen  im  Stande  ist.  Das  sollte  nun  eigentlich 
alle  Kritik  entwaffnen,  aber  andererseits  hleiht  es  dock  auch  ewig 
wahr,  dass  man  die  Erscheinungen  in  der  Kunst  nicht  am  Alltdg- 
lichen,  oder  an  dem  zufdllig  vorhandenen  Besiande,  sondern  am  Ideale 
messen  solle.  An  einem  Ideale,  das  man  nicht  bios  in  der  Brust 
tragt,  sondern  das  einem  doch  auch,  Gott  sei  Dank,  manch  liebes 
Mai  verkorpert  entgegengetreten  ist,  wenn  man  noch  Lenim  und  Sey- 
delmann  gekannt,  und  die  Crelinger,  die  Rahel  und  die  Ristori  ge- 
sehen  hat!" 

From  1883,  with  reference  to  both  actors  and  directors:  ^ 

"Es  fehlt  hier  am  Ernst,  Fleiss,  Tiefe.  Sagen  zu  wollen,  es  liesse 
sich  nicht  machen  und  ginge  nicht  anders,  ist  ein  Satz,  den  ich 
nicht  gelten  lassen  kann.  Sind  die  Stiicke  so  schlecht,  dass  sie 
seiche  Vertiefung  oder  solchen  Aufwand  an  Kraft  und  Zeit  nicht 
lohnen,  so  gebe  man  sie  nicht.  Bringt  man  sie  dagegen  uberhaupt, 
so  muss  man  sie  durch  eindringendsten  Fleiss  auch  zu  halten  oder, 
wo  dies  nicht  notig,  ihnen  ein  frischeres  und  langeres  Leben  zu 
geben  suchen.  Gewiss  ist  dies  schwer,  aber  man  geriert  sich  nicht 
umsonst  als  Hauptstadt  und  erstes  Theater.  Noblesse  oblige.  Was 
ich  an  Forderungen  gestellt  habe,  kann  geleistet  werden." 

^  V.  Z.  May  30,  B  2  (report  on  "Henry  VI"). 
2  W,  2,  VIII,  427  f. 


102 


The  following  from  1884  is  typical  of  Fontane's  general  atti- 
tude and  may  therefore  be  applied  to  all  concerned :  ^ 

"Man  darf  aber  in  der  Kunst  nie  ganz  sicher  sein.  Auch  der 
grosste  Meister  muss  immer  ein  Zweifler  an  sich  selbst  und  ein 
Suchender  bleiben." 

1  V.  Z.  Sept.  23,  B  I. 


CHAPTER   IV 
Fontane's  Dramatic  Theory 

"Was  beim  Volke  aushalten  soil,  muss  wahr  sein,  muss  Natur  und 
Kern  haben,  wie  das  Volk  selbst.  Nur  die  Kunst  dauert  bei  ihm,  nicht 
die  Kiinstelei.  .  .  .  Die  Kunst  soil  wahr  sein,  aber  nicht  ohne  Idealitat." 
("Aus  England,"  i860:  184;  133.) 

The  attempt  to  discover  the  dramatic  theory  of  a  man 
who  professed  entire  freedom  from  fixed  principles  is  obvi- 
ously not  without  a  paradoxical  element.  But  independence 
of  schools  and  the  ability  to  set  aside  tradition,  if  the  case  in 
hand  seems  to  justify  its  own  laws,  are  very  different  from 
the  repudiation  of  everything  that  might  constitute  an  indi- 
vidual norm.  The  latter  must  be  present,  if  work  would 
have  any  unity  or  ballast;  what  Fontane  himself  termed  the 
essence  of  able  criticism,  the  explanation  of  sensations,  de- 
pends upon  such  a  norm;  the  very  sensations  which  entail 
acceptance  or  rejection  express  themselves  spontaneously  in 
terms  of  its  fundamentals. 

Although  here,  again,  a  mosaic  of  infinitesimal  parts  is 
required  to  give  even  an  approximate  conception  of  Fontane's 
critical  work  in  its  entirety,  certain  basic  ideas,  noted  before, 
are  always  prominent.  These  are  life  and  art,  the  two  com- 
prehensive sources  of  his  interest  in  the  drama.  His  whole 
treatment  of  the  drama  resolves  itself,  to  be  sure,  in  the  last 
analysis  into  a  discussion  of  material  and  method,  a  point  of 
departure  by  no  means  unusual  in  criticism;  the  individuality 
of  Fontane's  critical  work  lies  in  the  fidelity  with  which  he 
submits  all  material  to  the  test:  "Is  it  or  should  it  be  life- 
like?" and  all  method  to  the  questions:  "In  how  far  does  it 
meet  the  need  of  the  material?  To  what  extent  is  it  gen- 
uine art?" 


104 

Fontane  is,  however,  in  no  sense  an  extremist  as  regards 
either  theories  or  schools.  He  was  never  lured  by  his  enthu- 
siasm for  realism  to  renounce  every  other  type  of  art.  Prac- 
tically the  only  tenet  that  he  states  as  absolute  occurs  as 
early  as  187 1  in  the  demand  for  unity  of  style  or  conception 
within  the  original  limits  chosen  by  the  author.^  This  prin- 
ciple, involving  primarily  the  adaptation  of  method  to  ma- 
terial, prevails  as  a  basic  element  in  his  criticism.  It  is 
restated  with  emphasis  on  detail  (1874)  in  the  requirement 
that  every  character,  every  situation,  be  subservient  to  a 
definite  law  determined  by  the  genre  in  hand.^  It  appears 
as  late  as  1894  in  the  praise  of  Sudermann's  ^'Fritzchen"  as 
evidence  of  Fontane's  enduring  conviction  that  mere  limita- 
tion in  extent  does  not  render  material  unworthy  of  treat- 
ment; notwithstanding  the  low  valuation  that  Fontane  puts 
upon  Sudermann's  work  as  a  whole,  he  commends  in  this 
one-act  play  the  union  of  happy  material  and  complete  dra- 
matic art.3 

In  the  violation  of  this  law  of  inner  unity  lay  for  Fontane 
the  chief  weakness  of  many  of  the  more  prominent  nine- 
teenth-century contributions  to  the  literature  of  the  stage 
from  both  German  and  French  writers  previous  to  the  natu- 
ralistic group.  Such  violation  manifested  itself  not  infre- 
quently in  a  tendency  to  treat  situation  for  situation's  sake 
in  plays  purporting  to  be  comedies  of  character,  for  which 
adequate  material  seemed  in  prospect  at  the  outset,  but  in 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  32. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  212. 

'  W,  2,  XI,  403  f.  (letter  of  Oct.  13  to  Paul  Schlenther).  Fontane's 
published  reports  contain  no  criticism  of  Sudermann.  An  unpublished 
letter  to  Mete  (Berlin,  Oct.  8,  1894)  shows  human  sympathy  for  him 
as  the  butt  of  much  adverse  criticism,  but  it  shows  also  the  conviction 
that  the  specific  attack  referred  to,  the  occasion  of  which  is  not  stated, 
was  justifiable:  "Sudermann,  fur  den  ich  nicht  viel  iibrig  habe,  tut  mir 
leid;  es  ist  furchtbar,  so  zerrissen  zu  werden.  Aber  ich  vermag  an 
solche  Zerreisserei  auch  keinen  Tadel  zu  kniipfen.  Wie  sollen  kluge 
Leute,  die  die  ganze  Hohlheit  und  Geschraubtheit  erkennen,  wie  sollen 
die  solch  Stiick  besprechen?  Ernsthaft?  Das  geht  nicht;  so  was  ganz 
Verfehltes,  an  dem  mit  einem  Male  die  bios  heraufgepuffte  Unbedeutend- 
heit  klar  wird,  kann  nicht  feierlich  und  mit  Wurde  behandelt  werden." 


105 

which,  through  the  sacrifice  of  the  major  interest  to  one  of 
minor  value,  the  genre  was  in  the  process  of  development 
not  kept  pure.  Paul  Lindau  he  charges  (1878)  with  having 
expanded  the  given  material  for  '' Johannistrieb"  unnatu- 
rally for  the  sake  of  making  the  play  fill  an  entire  evening. 
The  story  would  in  Fontane's  opinion  have  made  an  admi- 
rable two-act  play,  preferably  in  verse;  as  used,  the  inherent 
poetic  value  of  the  material  is  lost  in  part  through  the  choice 
of  the  prose  form,  in  part  through  the  more  detrimental  intro- 
duction of  superfluous  stock  additions,  such  as  parallel  pairs 
and  episodes,  designed  to  make  the  play  entertaining. ^  He  finds 
(1878)  in  the  plays  of  Sardou  a  marked  family  resemblance; 
background  and  setting  change,  but  the  central  plot-situa- 
tion and  the  character  types  never  vary.  Such  readjustment 
of  situation  may  be  termed  craftsmanship,  but  not  art.^  In 
a  report  on  ''Bataille  de  dames"  he  writes  further  (1878) 
that  the  French  emphasize  the  comic,  the  farcical,  more  than 
is  in  keeping  with  German  taste  and  German  esthetic  prin- 
ciples; that  what  gives  charm  to  their  work  for  the  instant 
fails  to  leave  behind  ^  it  an  impression  that  satisfies. 

To  the  question,  touched  upon  indirectly  here,  of  the  dif- 
ference between  comedy  and  farce,  Fontane  gives  no  little 
space.  The  play  intended  for  mere  amusement  was  popular 
on    the    Royal    Stage,    and   it    was   frequently   neither   good 

^  V.  Z.  Feb.  10,  B  3.  —  Lindau  made  a  four-act  play  of  this  material. 

2  V.  Z.  Jan.  29,  B  4;  report  on  Sardou's  "Nos  bons  viilageois,"  in 
which  Fontane  summarizes  the  dramatic  method  of  Sardou  as  follows: 
**.  .  .  das  eigentliche  Bild  ist  immer  dasselbe.  Ein  junger  Thunicht- 
gut,  der  mich  durch  seine  hervorragende  Don  Juan-Nichtberechtigung 
jedesmal  mehr  oder  weniger  uberrascht,  beliebelt  eine  schone  junge  Frau, 
gerath  in  Ungelegenheiten,  sieht  sich,  seitens  des  Ehemanns,  vor  einen 
klapprigen  Pistolenkasten  gestellt,  und  empfangt  schliesslich,  als  Re- 
compense fiir  die  ausgestandenen  Aengste,  die  Hand  der  jungeren,  viel 
hiibscheren  und  viel  blonderen  Schwester.  Ein  unerhorter  Treffer.  Im 
Mittel-Akt,  den  man  auch  ebenso  gut  den  Mitternachts-Akt  nennen 
konnte,  werden  regelmassig  Thiiren  abgeriegelt  und  Lampen  ausgedreht, 
mitunter  reisst  eine  Klingelschnur,  mitunter  auch  nicht,  und  'Incubus, 
Incubus,  der  Sprung  vom  Balkone  macht  den  Schluss.'" 

3  V.  Z.  Feb.  12,  B  3. 


106 

comedy  nor  good  burlesque.  One  of  Fontane's  persistent 
aims  as  stage  critic  seems  to  have  been  to  show  the  failure 
of  his  contemporaries  among  German  playwrights  to  draw 
a  convincing  distinction  between  these  genres. 

The  ideas  which  he  sets  forth  may  be  summarized  as 
follows:^  the  farce  plays  with  life;  comedy  should  simply 
reveal  life  in  the  play  spirit;  the  plunge  into  burlesque  must 
be  a  daring  acrobatic  feat,  unattended  by  deliberation,  in 
order  that  criticism  may  be  disarmed  by  laughter;  comic 
situation,  with  almost  unlimited  freedom  as  to  means  and 
range,  provides  the  only  atmosphere  in  which  farce  thrives; 
genuine  characters,  real  people,  are  therefore  a  detriment  to 
farce  in  that  they  diminish  the  contagion  of  jest  and  prevent 
the  spectator  from  yielding  unreservedly  to  the  ludicrously 
impossible.  Comedy,  on  the  other  hand,  demands  not  only 
individuals  from  real  life,  but  characters  that  are  worth  while, 
since,  as  in  life,  what  is  purely  trivial  is  only  tedious;  com- 
edy, romantic  drama,  or  tragedy,  may  degenerate  into  farce 
through  the  failure  to  mirror  life,  but  it  will  not  be  good 
farce;  ^  nor  can  material  that  is  in  its  general  nature  dis- 
tinctly farcical  be  welded  into  comedy.  For  this  reason 
Auerbach  makes  a  flagrant  error  in  the  choice  of  method  in 
"Das  erlosende  Wort."  The  material  requires,  in  Fontane's 
opinion  (1878),  an  abandon  capable  of  winning  the  spectator 
instantly  through  the  impression  of  incongruity  and  separa- 
tion from  real  life;  what  Auerbach  produces  is  a  hybrid,  not 
comic  enough  for  farce,  not  true  enough  for  comedy.^ 

1  Cf.  V.  Z.:    Nov.  21,  1871,  B  3;    Oct.  17,  1887,  No.  484,  B. 

2  Fontane  writes  that  Birch-Pfeiffer's  "Auf  dem  Oberhof"  becomes 
farcical  through  failure  to  handle  worthily  what  is  lofty  (W,  2,  VIII, 
117!. — from  1872);  that  in  Wildenbruch's  "Die  Karolinger"  improba- 
bility of  situation  in  Act  III  produces  a  grotesquely  comical  effect  (W,  2, 
VIII,  263;  — from  1887). 

'  Fontane's  principle  is  as  follows:  "...  bei  Dingen  dieser  Art 
kommt  es  nur  auf  die  Unterhaltlichkeit  an.  Auerbach  hat  etwas  an  und 
fiir  sich  Nichtiges  durch  Feinheit,  durch  sorglichen  Dialog,  durch  liebe- 
voUe  Detailbehandlung,  auf  eine  hohere  Stufe  heben  woUen,  aber  gerade 
dadurch  hat  er  sich  an  seiner  Sache  geschadigt.  Er  zwingt  uns  ...  in 
eine  ernstere  Betrachtung  hinein,  und  diese  ernstere  Betrachtung  halt  es  doch 
wieder  nicht  aus"  (7.  Z.  Mar.  29,  additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  146  ff.). 


107 

In  one  instance  Fontane  is  lured  by  the  appeal  of  artistic 
method  to  waver  even  in  his  conviction  that  comedy  must 
mirror  actual  life.  The  belief  in  the  privilege  of  the  true  artist 
to  create  his  form  is  revealed  in  the  consideration  of  a  new  ideal 
for  comedy,  built  on  the  Moliere  type  and  answerable  to  its 
own  distinct  laws.  Fontane  asserts  that  Moliere's  comedy, 
which  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  classic,  would  by  no  means 
be  so  considered  if  Moliere  were  a  contemporary;  that 
Moliere's  work  lacks,  in  spite  of  its  eternal  freshness,  the 
qualities  that  we  admire  in  Lessing,  Kleist,  and  Sheridan. 
The  context  shows  ^  that  reference  here  is  particularly  to 
lifelike  delineation  of  character;  no  figure  in  "Le  Malade 
imaginaire"  is  without  its  farcical  ingredient  for  Fontane; 
the  play  gives,  he  says,  a  presentation  of  life  such  as  one 
sees  in  comic  opera;  traces  of  the  Italian  folk- theater  in 
each  subsequent  scene  lead  him  to  await  constantly  the 
appearance  of  Harlequin  and  Columbine.  Nevertheless,  so 
great  is  his  admiration  for  Moliere's  art,  that  although  he 
had  but  one  week  before  declared  ludicrous  situations  the 
essence  of  farce,  he  is  now  inclined  to  waive  the  demand 
that  comedy  avoid  the  farcical  element  to  stand  always  fun- 
damentally upon  life  and  truth.    He  writes: 

"Es  scheint  doch  noch  ein  Hoheres,  mindestens  ein  Anderes, 
Gleichberechtigtes  zu  geben,  das,  ahnlich  wie  in  der  grossen  Tragodie, 
die  blosse  Wirklichkeit,  die  sozusagen  biirgerliche  Lebenswahrheit 
der  Charaktere  aufgeben  darf,  um  auch  im  Komischen  einem  Ideale 
nachzustreben,  einem  Ideale,  das  seine  eigenen  Gesetze  hat." 

To  determine  Fontane's  ultimate  attitude  toward  Moliere, 
however,  it  is  necessary  to    consider    also  a  later  criticism, 

*  Cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  30  ff.  —  Fontane  does  not  enumerate  here  the 
admirable  qualities  of  the  dramatists  mentioned.  The  points  that  he 
praises  in  Lessing's  comedy  elsewhere  are  classic  language  and  truthful 
character  portrayal  (W,  2,  VIII,  35,  report  on  "Minna  von  Barnhelm,'* 
1870);  he  commends  characterization  and  economy  in  Kleist's  "Der  zer- 
brochene  Krug,"  but  adds  that  "Minna  von  Barnhelm"  has  the  same 
good  points  and  greater  Liebenswiirdigkeit  {V.  Z.  Oct.  29,  1886,  Abend- 
ausgabe).  This  is  his  only  report  on  "Der  zerbrochene  Krug"  (cf.  above, 
p.  61)  and  the  only  report  on  "Minna  von  Barnhelm"  that  does  not 
treat  presentation  alone.    There  is  no  report  on  Sheridan. 


108 

that  of  ''Tartuffe"  (1885),  which  gives  convincing  evidence 
that  the  idea  of  a  possible  advantageous  separation  of  com- 
edy from  life  had  only  temporary  hold  upon  him.  Agreeing 
with  Eduard  Engel,  from  whom  he  quotes,  he  sees  in  Moliere 
on  account  of  basic  truth  the  most  reliable  source  for  under- 
standing the  sentiment  of  the  seventeenth-century  citizen- 
class  of  Paris,  the  Gallic  spirit  of  the  seventeenth  century 
in  contradistinction  to  the  Roman  spirit  that  dominated  the 
court  of  Versailles  and  its  literature.  Yet  Fontane's  per- 
sonal verdict  in  the  same  report  is  that  in  spite  of  the  inef- 
fable individual  charm  due  to  Moliere's  noble  purpose,  to 
his  penetrating  clearness,  his  good  sense,  spirit,  wit,  and  grace, 
his  work  lies  outside  the  pale  of  real  character-comedy,  be- 
cause his  people  inspire  belief  only  in  the  thought  they  serve 
to  develop,  not  in  themselves  as  human  beings.^ 

*'Er  ist  sentenzios  wie  Larochefoucauld,  erreicht  aber  grossere 
Wirkungen,  weil  seine  Sentenzen  nicht  bios  in  der  Luft  herum- 
fliegen,  sondern  bestimmte  personliche  Trager  haben  und  aus  ganz 
bestimmten  Situationen  heraus  erwachsen.  Aber  so  hoch  dieser 
Werth  des  Sentenziosen  und  zugleich  kiinstlerisch  Tendenziosen 
veranschlagt  werden  mag,  beide  Vorzuge  reichen  nicht  aus,  ein  Stiick 
fiir  uns  wirksam  zu  machen,  zu  dessen  Menschen  und  Situationen 
wir  kein  voiles  Vertrauen  mehr  haben.  Kein  voiles  Vertrauen,  weil 
kein  voiles  Verstandniss.  .  .  .  Ein  solcher  Tartuffe  .  .  .  ware  heu- 
tigen  Tages  absolut  ungefahrlich,  weil  er  sich  in  jeder  Sphare  der 
Gesellschaft,  vielleicht  die  der  armen  adligen  Fraulein  ausgenommen, 
vergeblich  nach  einem  Opfer  umsehen  wiirde.  Die  letzten  unter  den 
Leimgangern  aber  wiirden  unzweifelhaft  unsere  modernen  Orgons, 
unsere  heutigen  reichen  Privatleute  sein.  .  .  .  Noch  bis  diesen  Tag 
sah  ich  nichts  lieber  als  Harlekinaden,  aber  ich  will  dann  auch  Harle- 
kin  und  Colombine  direkt  vor  mir  haben  und  meinen  Freund  Pierrot 
auf  dem  Zettel  sehen.  Davon  sind  wir  hier  aber  weit  ab.  Alle 
Moliere'schen  Komodien  werden  naturalistisch  angesehen  und  recht 
eigentlich  als  Charakter-Stiicke  gespielt;  sie  sind  es  aber  nicht  mehr, 
wenn  sie's  auch  vordem  waren.  Es  sind  jetzt  Sittenbilder  aus  einer 
anderen  Zeit." 

Had  the  possibility  of  a  new  independent  ideal  for  comedy, 
considered    in    1871,    amounted    to    a   permanent    conviction 
J  V.  Z.  Feb.  15,  1885,  B  1. 


109 

with  Fontane,  the  suggestion  would  probably  have  been 
repeated  in  the  later  report.  Fontane  chose  at  times  to 
compare  the  criticism  in  hand  with  an  earlier  expression  of 
opinion  on  the  same  play,  and  on  the  basis  of  such  com- 
parison to  confirm  or  renounce  the  original  point  of  view. 
There  are  obvious  reasons  for  following  such  a  method  here, 
had  he  wished  to  emphasize  again  the  recommendation  of 
a  new  law  for  comedy  of  the  Moliere  type.  The  belief  in 
the  privilege  of  the  real  artist  to  be  answerable  in  large 
measure  to  independent  laws  is  in  itself  in  keeping  with 
Fontane's  conviction  that  art  as  the  variable  fruit  of  vary- 
ing conditions  is  not  conformable  to  permanent  limitations. 
It  is  in  accordance,  too,  with  his  tendency  to  welcome  novelty 
as  an  indication  of  fresh  spontaneity  in  art  rather  than  to 
reject  it  on  the  mere  ground  of  departure  from  tradition. 
Instead,  however,  of  repeating  in  the  report  on  "Tartuffe" 
the  theory  of  a  possible  new  ideal  for  comedy,  he  emphasizes 
again  not  only  the  excellence  of  Moliere's  art  but  also  the 
unnatural  element  in  characters  and  situations.  This  is  not 
chance,  but  significantly  in  keeping  with  Fontane's  increasing 
demand  for  life  in  the  drama.  He  still  recognizes  the  master- 
hand  of  Moliere,  but  he  recommends  the  play,  because  of 
its  lack  in  reality,  for  reading  rather  than  for  the  stage. 

Fontane  recognized  even  in  his  London  period  the  infe- 
riority of  that  type  of  comedy  that  depends  for  its  appeal 
upon  situation.  He  pronounced  "Comedy  of  Errors"  the 
weakest  of  all  the  performances  he  saw  in  the  Sadler's  Wells 
Theater,  a  verdict  the  grounds  of  which  we  are  left  at  this 
time  to  surmise.  The  general  excellence  which  he  notes  in  the 
performances  of  this  theater  points,  however,  to  the  proba- 
bility that  the  lack  that  he  felt  in  this  case  was  at  least  in 
part  inherent  in  the  play,  and  a  later  criticism  tends  only  to 
substantiate  this  conclusion.  He  writes  of  it  (1879)  that 
the  spectator's  interest  lags  from  the  second  act  on,  that 
Acts  II  and  III  have  moments  of  comic  effect,  but  that  the 
comic  element  is  on  the  whole  falsely  calculated,  since  the 
audience    does    not,    according    to    expectation    realize    with 


no 

unfailing  promptness  the  mistaken  address.*  The  use  of 
disguise  as  a  factor  in  the  production  of  comic  situation 
Fontane  treats  but  slightly.  He  does  not  mention  it  in  his 
Shakspere  criticism;  on  "As  you  Like  it'*  there  is  no  report; 
in  "Merchant  of  Venice"  it  is  the  study  of  Shylock  that 
interests  him  above  all  else;  ^  in  "Twelfth  Night"  it  is  the 
interpretation  of  Malvolio;  the  most  specific  word  that  he 
has  to  say  in  regard  to  Viola  has  to  do  with  the  necessity  of 
letting  the  roguish  element  come  into  its  own  beside  the 
element  of  sentiment.^ 

Although  the  treatment  of  situation  for  situation's  sake  is, 
then,  for  Fontane,  except  in  farce,  a  violation  of  the  vital 
principle  of  harmony  between  method  and  material,  he  lays, 
nevertheless,  the  greatest  weight  upon  adequate  attention 
in  comedy  to  situations  that  make  in  themselves  an  integral 
part  of  the  dramatic  plan.  With  the  use  of  skilful  motiva- 
tion the  situation  is,  indeed,  to  the  scene  what  the  scene  is 
to  the  play.  "Nichts  klingt  aus"  is  a  frequent  note  in  Fon- 
tane criticism.  Upon  this  shortcoming  in  Wilbrandt's  "Die 
Maler"  he  bases  the  assertion  (1872)  that  the  author  has 
misused  for  the  purpose  of  comedy  attractive  material 
adapted  to  narrative  and  therefore  incapable  of  enlisting  the 
sympathies  of  the  spectator  when  compressed  within  the 
narrow  limits  demanded  by  the  stage.^  The  fact  that  he 
substantiates  this  statement  ten  years  later,^  comparing  the 
play  with  its  series  of  "atelier  anecdotes"  to  a  "dinner 
menu  of  ten  courses  from  the  same  basic  ingredients,"  removes 
all  doubt  that  his  reason  in  the  beginning  for  pronouncing 
this  material  for  narrative  was  that  it  provided  only  situa- 
tions interesting  in  themselves  with  no  regard  for  the  prin- 
ciples of  cause  and  effect  and  climax,   essential   to  organic 

1  V.  Z.  Jan.  3,  B  2;   cf.  for  the  earlier  statement  W,  2,  VIII,  557. 

2  Cf.:  W,  2,  VIII,  5  f.  (1872);  V.  Z.  Feb.  22,  1881,  B  i;  V.  Z.  1885, 
Mar.  20,  B  i. 

3  Cf.:  W,  2,  VIII,  21  ff.  (1884),  323  f.  (1888);  V.  Z.  Feb.  26,  1884, 
B  i;    V.  Z.  Apr.  15,  1887,  No.  173. 

*  V.  Z.  Oct.  23,  B  2. 

6    W,    2,    VIII,    230  f. 


Ill 

unity  in  drama.  The  so-called  "moderns"  as  a  group,  in- 
deed, impress  him  with  an  extreme  lack  of  appreciation  of 
harmonious,  natural  movement.  They  seem  to  him  to 
reckon  wilfully  upon  the  temporary  interest  of  the  uncritical 
public  in  the  unexpected,  since  they  use  both  situations  and 
scenes  apparently  for  temporary  effect.  He  writes  in  his 
criticism  of  Gensichen's  "Die  Marchentante''  (1881)  that  no 
one  has  courage  any  more  to  let  things  develop  fully  on  the 
stage;  the  "war-cry"  has  come  to  be  "avoid  being  tedious 
at  all  costs"  and  often  with  very  doubtful  result,  since  the 
spasmodic  treatment  resorted  to  is  productive  of  an  unrest 
in  the  spectator  that  is  worse  than  ordinary  ennui.^ 

This  same  play  by  Gensichen  affords,  furthermore,  an 
instance,  typical  —  although  unusual  in  kind  —  of  the  whole 
class  of  playwrights  lured  by  the  desire  to  obtain  what  Fon- 
tane  calls  Scribe  effects.  Gensichen  attempts  here  to  develop 
by  tableau  "in  Sleeping  Beauty  style"  the  transference  of 
the  hero's  love  from  one  cousin  to  the  other.  Fontane  does 
not  charge  Scribe  with  making  a  mere  picture  or  momentary 
vision  serve  at  any  point  for  dialog  and  action.  He  does 
not  mention  Scribe  in  this  criticism;  but  the  character  of 
Gensichen's  attempt,  the  absolute  disregard  of  motivation, 
if  necessary  in  order  to  reach  the  desired  end,  the  protection 
that  he  may  have  thought  to  procure  from  the  title  for  such 
technical  license,  and  the  emotional  appeal  of  his  play  neces- 
sarily recall  Fontane's  charge  against  "Les  doigts  de  fee": 
that  the  material,  treated  consistently  in  fairy-tale  fashion, 
would  have  been  charming,  but  that  title  alone  cannot  con- 
vince the  spectator  that  the  whole  was  conceived  primarily 
as  a  genuine  fairy-play  rather  than  as  one  of  actual  human 
experience,  that  as  a  reflection  of  life  and  the  conditions  of 
the  time  it  is  not  acceptable.^  Fontane's  impression  from 
the  plays  is  the  same:  that  the  suggestion  of  the  supernatural 
in  the  title  is  resorted  to  as  a  subterfuge;  in  the  case  of 
Gensichen,  to  cover  escape  from  a  technical  difficulty;  in 
that  of  Scribe,  to  conceal  the  fact  that  the  social  problem 
involved  was  beyond  his  ability. 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  287!.  2  w,  2,  VIII,  112  ff.  (1871). 


112 

In  the  work  of  serious  dramatists  who  do  not  as  a  rule 
regard  motivation  arbitrarily,  Fontane  terms  the  failure  to 
develop  situations  at  times  an  error  in  tempo.  In  developing 
the  conflict  in  Hero's  soul,  for  instance,  Grillparzer  does  not, 
in  Fontane's  opinion  (1881),  show  the  same  fine  dramatic 
instinct  as  in  the  initial  conception  of  that  conflict.  The 
awakening  of  Hero's  love  is  given  complete  treatment  in  the 
development,  at  the  expense  of  the  priestess,  although  it  is 
Hero  the  priestess  that  demands  a  larger  part  in  the  conflict 
in  order  to  make  the  character  at  all  points  psychologically 
true,^  and  thus  attain  the  end  practically  promised  in  the 
introduction  of  the  idea  of  priesthood,  in  itself  fruitful  of 
dramatic  situation,  into  a  material  originally  strictly  lyric.^ 

Fontane's  most  interesting  reference  to  false  tempo  in  the 
working  out  of  a  plot  occurs  (1889)  in  his  analysis  of  the 
weakness  of  Ibsen's  ''The  Lady  from  the  Sea."  His  point  of 
view  is  this:  ^  Ibsen  has  conceived  Ellida  not  merely  as  a 
sensitive  woman  obsessed  by  an  illusion  but  as  a  noble  and 
courageous  character,  capable  both  of  reason  and  of  appre- 
ciating what  is  true;  her  sudden  "leap"  into  appreciation 
of  her  husband  at  the  magic  word  "freedom"  is  therefore 
abnormal,  although  technically  a  ''leap  in  the  right  direc- 
tion" and  consequently  not  in  this  respect  in  the  same  cate- 
gory with  the  "hin  und  her"  tendency  of  many  "moderns"; 
the  rescue  of  Ellida  from  the  idea  of  the  Northman  should 
have  been  developed  logically  to  the  end  by  dialog  as  it  is 
begun  in  Act  IV  in  the  masterly  scene  in  which  Dr.  Wangel 
attempts  to  lead  her  by  reason  to  a  normal  mental  state; 
but  Ibsen's  mania  for  exploiting  the  idea  of  the  genuinely 
moral  marriage  based  upon  individual  freedom  dulls  in  this 
case  the  dramatist's  usually  keen  sense  for  natural  psycho- 
logical treatment,  and  renders  the  conversation  referred  to 
merely  a  brilliant  episode  in  the  completed  drama;  the  weak- 
ness  is   not    due,  as   in    many  contemporary   German    play- 

^  V.  Z.  Oct.  14,  B  I  (criticism  of  "Des  Meeres  und  der  Liebe  Wel- 
len";    cf.  also  below,  p.  131). 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  106  f.  (1874). 

3  W,    2,    VIII,    19s  ff. 


113 

Wrights,  to  a  general  lack  of  motivation,  but  to  sudden  and 
undue  prominence  in  Act  IV  of  a  problem  which  should 
remain  only  a  part  of  the  mere  background  if  Ellida  is  to 
grow  naturally  into  full  self-realization ;  as  a  result  the  drama 
assumes  unnecessarily  too  much  the  character  of  a  mere 
problem-play. 

Mistaken  tempo  bears,  then,  through  the  lack  of  motiva- 
tion from  which  it  results,  evident  relation  to  that  capricious 
or  arbitrary  use  of  situation  which  is  always  to  Fontane  an 
artistic  sacrifice  not  to  be  counterbalanced  by  any  advan- 
tage. Such  a  flaw  entails  nowhere,  however,  more  detrimental 
results  than  in  the  crucial  moment  of  the  denouement.  Al- 
ways an  indication  of  the  embarrassment  due  to  exigency, 
it  is  here  capable  of  blurring  completely  the  artistic  appeal 
of  an  otherwise  successful  play.  The  psychological  truth  and 
delicacy  secured  by  Gutzkow  through  the  use  of  the  un- 
written sheet  as  the  gravitating  center  of  the  plot  in  "Ein 
weisses  Blatt"  is  sacrificed  in  the  last  scene  through  the 
sudden  and  melodramatic  shifting  of  brides^  (1872).  After 
declaring  the  second  act  of  Lindau's  ''Verschamte  Arbeit" 
superior  (1880)  to  most  acts  produced  in  German  drama  in 
a  year,  placing  the  annual  output  in  round  numbers  at  a 
thousand  plays,  he  charges  Lindau  with  seeking  a  hasty  ref- 
uge from  difiiculties  at  the  end  in  order  to  adjust  all  elements 
satisfactorily .2     Similarly,  in  the  last  act  of  "Hans  Lange" 

^  Fontane  writes  concerning  this  conclusion  (F.  Z.  Apr.  7,  B  4;  sup- 
plementary to  W,  2,  VIII,  143):  "Das  ist  ein  Schluss  den  kaum  das 
Lustspiel  erlaubt;  das  Schauspiel  gewiss  nicht.  Ein  bis  dahin  das  ganze 
Stuck  sehr  angenehm  beherrschender  Zug  der  Feinheit,  geht  dadurch  im 
letzten  Momente  wieder  verloren.  Und  dennoch  ware  dem  ohne  sonder- 
liche  Muhe  abzuhelfen  gewesen,  Einfach  dadurch,  dass  der  Dichter  den 
ganzen  Hochzeitsapparat  gestrichen,  und  das,  was  sich  hier  als  ein  sich 
unmittelbar  VoUziehendes  gibt,  als  ein  Werdendes  in  die  Zukunft  gestellt 
hatte." 

2  The  theme  of  this  play,  as  in  Scribe's  "Les  doigts  de  fee"  (W,  2, 
VIII,  112  jff.),  is  that  self-maintenance  through  honest  work  is  not  de- 
grading to  any  rank.  Fontane's  praise  of  Act  II  in  Lindau's  play  {V.  Z. 
Oct.  26,  1880,  B  2)  is  based  especially  upon  the  scene  in  which  by  simple 
conversation  between  Martha  Geissler  and  Zacharias  Gerhardt  Martha's 
nobility,  unselfishness,  and  fineness  of  feeling  are  naturally  and  beauti- 


114 

Heyse  transforms  the  real  people  he  has  created  into  pup- 
pets, that  they  may  serve  the  arbitrary  idea  of  reconcilia- 
tion i  (1882).  Wilbrandt's  ''Jugendliebe"  (1886),  too,  full 
of  indisputable  charm  up  to  the  solution,  lacks  at  that  point 
the  invention  necessary  to  make  it  an  artistic  unit.^ 

Adequate  treatment  of  situation  does  not,  however,  in- 
volve necessarily  length  or  space.  Fontane  says  that  the 
brevity  of  the  last  scene  of  ^'Jugendliebe"  is  advantageous; 
Wilbrandt's  error  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  is  brevity  of  the 
wrong  kind.  The  dramatic  economy  with  which  Act  III 
closes  in  Erckmann-Chatrian's  ''Die  Rantzau"  Fontane 
terms  (1883)  a  flash  of  genius:^  It  is  the  scene  in  which 
the  stubborn  pride  of  Johann  Rantzau  yields  to  solicitude 
for  his  daughter,  and  he  goes  as  a  suppliant  for  reconcilia- 
tion to  the  house  of  the  brother  he  has  wronged.  In  Fon- 
tane's  opinion  the  usual  dramatist  would  have  woven  a 
conversation  about  the  meeting  of  the  two  brothers,  but  it 
is  a  truer  dramatic  instinct  which,  in  the  moment  of  tension 
when  the  two  stand  at  the  door  face  to  face  at  last  after  long 
years  of  estrangement,  lets  the  silence  suffice,  followed  by 
the  simple  words:  ''Komm  herein."  Fontane  had  written 
(1881)  that  situations  make  a  play,^  and  it  is  to  such  skilful 
use  of  situation  as  this,  about  which  his  entire  praise  of 
"Die  Rantzau"  centers,  that  this  unelaborated  but  unequiv- 
ocal statement  must  refer. 

fully  revealed  in  contrast  to  the  ambition  and  false  pride  of  Gerhardt's 
daughter  Isabella.  In  the  last  scene,  criticized  by  Fontane,  an  involved 
situation  is  set  to  rights  with  kaleidoscopic  swiftness  at  a  place  no  more 
probable  than  the  minister's  ball,  through  the  minister's  recognition  of 
the  embroidered  purse  presented  to  him  by  Isabella  as  the  work  of 
Martha  Geissler,  a  discovery  followed  by  his  open  suit  to  Martha,  who 
had  loved  him  in  secret,  after  her  humiliation  by  another  suitor  because 
she  had  worked  for  pay,  and  the  simultaneous  chagrin  of  Isabella,  whose 
own  ambitious  hopes  are  thus  thwarted. 

1  V.  Z.  Oct.  18,  B  I. 

2  V.  Z.  Oct.  29,  No.  506,  Abendausgabe. 

3  V.  Z.  Feb.  9,  B  I. 

^  F.  Z.  May  5,  B  i.  —  The  statement  occurs  in  praise  of  the  general 
use  of  situation  in  Lindau's  "Verschamte  Arbeit"  (cf.  above,  p.  64). 


115 

But  this  principle  of  economy,  so  desirable  in  the  treatment 
of  dramatic  situation,  cannot  be  applied  to  humor.  The 
breadth  of  humor  in  the  scenes  of  Pistol,  Silence,  and  Shal- 
low (*' Henry  IV")>  those  of  Fluellen  and  Macmorris,  of 
Nym,  Bardolph,  and  Pistol  (''Henry  V")  is  one  of  the  grounds 
on  which  Fontane  bases  his  assertion  (1873)  that  "Henry  V 
and  Part  II  of  ''Henry  IV"  are  not  inferior  to  Part  I  of 
"Henry  IV,"  as  stage  plays.^  Falstaff  himself  he  recognizes 
as  inferior  in  Part  II,  "Henry  IV,"  to  the  Falstaff  of  Part 
I,  but  he  is  inclined  to  place  less  value  than  most  critics 
upon  the  Falstaff  role  in  sustaining  humor  in  these  dramas, 
more  value  upon  the  better  minor  figures  that  make  for  a 
humorous  appeal.     With  the  exception  of  a  few  capital  scenes 

^  This  opinion  is  based  directly  upon  consecutive  performances  of  these 
histories  in  the  spring  of  1873  (cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  10-17).  One  factor  in 
Fontane's  conclusion  is,  no  doubt,  the  following:  that  Boring's  Falstaff 
(Part  I,  "Henry  IV")  appeals  to  him  as  brought  to  perfection;  that  the 
same  actor's  Falstaff  (Part  II)  is  inferior  to  that  of  Part  I,  and  that 
Oberlander's  Shallow  is  to  Fontane  the  "crown"  of  this  second  evening 
(F.  Z.  Mar.  27,  B  2,  additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  11  ff.).  He  writes,  how- 
ever, of  Part  II:  "Es  fiihrt  deshalb  irre,  wenn  der  Witz  beider  Stucke 
lediglich  an  dieser  einen  Gestalt  gemessen  werden  soil;  man  muss  vielmehr 
den  humoristischen  Gesamtgehalt  gegeneinander  abwagen,  und  so  ge- 
wogen  bleibt  es  immerhin  fraglich,  ob  nicht  die  Schale  vielleicht  zu 
gunsten  des  zweiten  Teiles  sinkt.  Pistol  und  die  Friedensrichter  Stille 
und  Schaal  sind  drei  Gestalten,  die  dem  Teil  II  ein  sehr  Erhebliches  an 
Witz  und  Humor  zulegen.  An  mehr  denn  einer  Stelle  ziemlich  ersichtlich 
auf  Kosten  Falstaff s." 

The  other  ground  for  superiority  in  Part  II  lies  in  the  historic  figures; 
in  Fontane's  opinion  Percy  is  almost  balanced  by  Archbishop  Scroop, 
and  any  possible  deficit  in  the  latter  is  more  than  outweighed  by  the 
great  death-scene  of  the  King  in  Act  IV.  He  does  not  argue  a  corre- 
sponding excellence  for  "Henry  V."  The  play  is  to  him  "ein  ewiges 
Stiick  Menschentum,"  due  to  the  excellence  of  the  Shaksperean  concep- 
tion of  Henry  V;  but  he  agrees  with  Oechelhauser  that  the  successful 
presentation  of  this  drama  is  largely  dependent  upon  conditions;  he 
quotes  from  Oechelhauser  as  follows  (V.  Z.  Apr.  22,  B  2,  additional  to 
W,  2,  VIII,  13  ff.):  "Die  dramatische  Composition  dieses  Stucks  ist 
vielfach  und  mit  recht  angegriffen  worden.  Die  Handlung  hat  keine 
spannenden  Verwickelungen;  der  Hohepunkt  erscheint  nicht  als  ein 
dramatischer,  sondern  als  ein  historischer  Moment,  nach  dessen  Ueber- 
schreitung  die  Handlung  unmittelbar  zum  Schluss  eilt." 


116 

which  he  does  not  enumerate  he  considers  the  part  of  Fal- 
staflf  eminently  a  role  to  be  read;  it  offers  to  his  mind  a 
surplus  of  wit  (Geist),  some  of  which  belongs  distinctly  to 
another  century,  and  much  of  which  is  past  before  it  can 
be  fully  comprehended  by  the  spectator.  Fontane's  purpose 
here  is,  however,  rather  to  do  neglected  justice  to  secondary 
roles  than  to  underestimate  the  wit  of  Sir  John,  which  he 
characterizes  (in  Part  I)  as  fresh,  effervescent,  inexhaustible. 
He  is  arguing  for  appreciation  of  the  humorous  whole  (den 
humoristischen  Gesamtgehalt),  revealing  as  he  does  it,  a  sug- 
gestion of  dissatisfaction  at  having  failed  to  follow  to  its  limits 
each  rapidly  succeeding  eddy  of  Sir  John's  exuberant  spirit. 

This  judgment  of  Falstaff's  humor,  repeated  in  a  later 
criticism  of  "Henry  V"  (1877),^  cannot  but  recall  Fontane  the 
causeur,  the  man  who  was  wont  to  stand  for  an  hour  or  more 

^  The  two  ideas,  of  undue  brevity  and  of  separation  from  our  own 
time,  occur  in  both  criticisms  side  by  side.  Fontane  wrote  in  1873  (W, 
2,  VIII,  17):  "Ein  ungeheurer  Ueberschuss  von  Geist  ist  vorhanden, 
den  man  lesend  bewundert,  der  aber,  gespielt  und  gesprochen,  nur  sehr 
teilweise  zur  Wirkung  kommt.  Dass  die  verschiedenen  Jahrhunderte 
ausserdem  ziemlich  verschieden  dariiber  empfinden,  was  eigentlich  witzig 
und  komisch  sei,  mochten  wir  nur  noch  angedeutet  haben."  In  1877 
{V.  Z.  May  10,  B  i;  criticism  of  Henry  IV,  Part  II)  he  wrote  again  of 
the  superiority  in  some  respects  of  the  country-judges  Silence  and  Shal- 
low. It  is  to  be  noted  again,  however,  that  Oberlander  took  the  part 
of  Shallow,  that  Fontane  pronounced  the  part  excellent,  adding  that 
it  was  perhaps  Oberlander's  best  role,  that  Falstaff,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  a  guest  role  by  a  Mr.  Miiller,  of  whom  Fontane  wrote  simply  that 
he  was  more  original  than  in  Part  I  (cf.  above,  p.  22).  Yet  it  is  also  to 
be  remembered  that  Fontane's  judgment  of  a  drama  per  se  never  de- 
pended largely  upon  the  nature  of  the  performance  he  had  seen.  Accus- 
tomed to  presentations  that  fell  short  of  his  ideal,  he  was  wont  to  base 
his  criticism  of  the  drama  in  question  primarily  upon  his  own  conception 
of  it.  The  point  that  he  emphasized  against  Falstaff  in  this  latter  report 
was  the  element  of  antiquity  in  his  humor.  "Er  liest  sich  besser,  als  er 
sich  sieht;  er  ist  fiir  uns  zu  einer  Buchfigur  geworden.  Inmitten  aller 
Bewunderung  werden  wir  seiner,  wenn  er  leibhaftig  vor  uns  tritt,  doch 
nicht  recht  froh;  er  heimelt  uns  nicht  an,  es  ist  etwas  Fremdes  zwischen 
ihm  und  uns,  und  dies  Fremde  wurzelt  in  dem  Gefuhl  des  Altmodischen, 
des  Antiquirten.  .  .  .  Vieles  trifft  gleichgiltig  oder  gar  storend  unser 
Ohr,  und  erst  im  Momente  des  Verklingens  besinnen  wir  uns,  dass  es 
ungeheuer  witzig  war.  .  .  .  Was   von  der   Shakespeare    Sprache  so  oft 


117 

with  his  hand  on  the  door-knob  after  a  cup  of  tea  at  the 
house  of  a  congenial  literary  friend,  the  narrator  who  as- 
sembles at  summer-resorts  and  in  drawing-rooms  a  greater 
number  of  brilliant  conversationalists  than  one  is  likely  to 
find  together  in  similar  places  in  real  life.  Considered  thus, 
it  throws  light,  too,  upon  the  distinction  that  Fontane  draws 
frequently  between  dramatic  and  narrative  material.  As  he 
discards  for  dramatic  purposes  material  which  does  not  lend 
itself  to  the  production  of  tension,  so  he  makes  no  place  in 
drama  for  dialog  so  finely  pointed  that  the  spectator's  inter- 
est in  the  sum  total  must  yield  temporarily  at  least  to  the 
effort  to  lose  none  of  the  repartee.  In  narrative,  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  dialog,  not  plot,  that  seems  to  give  ultimate 
value  to  Fontane.  In  his  own  work  he  dispenses  frequently 
with  a  central  line  of  tension,  gives  little  place  to  continued 
narrative  or  analysis  by  the  author,  and  lets  his  characters 
talk,  revealing  themselves,  their  milieu,  and  the  emotional 
changes  that  serve  to  carry  on  the  slowly  woven  web  of 
plot.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  latent  predilection  for  un- 
usual art  in  individualistic  dialog  and  brilliant  repartee  that 
manifested  itself  much  later  in  Fontane's  stories  of  Berlin 
life  was  a  factor  in  forming  his  opinion  (1873-1877)  of  Fal- 
staff's  humor  and  its  adaptation  to  reading  rather  than  to 
the  stage.  A  similar  idea  occurs  (1875)  i^  the  statement 
that  subtlety  cannot  be  substituted  for  humor  in  comedy, 
and  his  attendant  praise  of  the  French  Causeries  for  the  fact 
that  their  comic  element  gains  clearness  and  support  through 
close  relation  to  situation.^  He  writes  also  (1877)  of  Ernst 
Eckstein's  "Ein  Pessimist,"  ^  which  the  author  calls  a  comedy, 
that  it  is  rather  a  preliminary  sketch,  that  it  lacks  the  free- 
dom and  the  breadth  necessary  for  humor.  ''Ohne  Breite  kann 
aber  der  Humor  nicht  bestehen.      Nur  der  Witz  ist  kurz." 

gesagt  worden  ist,  dass  sie  neben  dem  Hochsten  und  Grossten,  neben 
einem  die  Zeiten  Ueberdauernden,  auch  etwas  in  der  Zeit  Befangenes 
und  Hinfalliges  habe,  gilt  nicht  minder  auch  von  seinem  Humor."  He 
wrote  elsewhere  in  the  criticism:  "In  Schaal  und  Stille  ist  nichts 
veraltet." 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  286. 

2  V.  Z.  Jan.  27,  B  i. 


118 

In  the  criticism  of  tragedy  the  discussion  of  situation 
yields  naturally  to  the  consideration  of  tragic  guilt  and  the 
consistent  portrayal  of  the  protagonist.  Moreover,  various 
as  are  the  indications  that  this  branch  of  drama  must  deal, 
too,  with  human  beings,  with  that  which  is  possible  in  human 
experience,  the  basic  demand^  is  not  in  tragedy  as  in  comedy 
that  it  conform  to  reality;  tragedy  must  elevate;  it  cannot 
be  divorced  from  the  ideal;  it  must  build  upon  the  funda- 
ments of  justice,  atonement,  and  harmony .^ 

Fontane's  treatment  of  tragedy  shows,  too,  that  his  asser- 
tion on  occasions  that  method  is  more  important  than  mate- 
rial can  by  no  means  be  taken  at  its  full  face-value.  Method 
is,  to  be  sure,  prominent  here.  His  adverse  criticism  ^  of 
Halm's  *'Der  Fechter  von  Ravenna"  (1879),  ^^^  example,  is 
based  on  the  mediocre  character  of  the  initial  material,  and 
the  trend  of  the  discussion  is  that  a  real  poet  such  as  Kleist 
can  give  substance  to  what  in  itself  is  nothing,  as  Shakspere 
animated  the  spiritless  fundamentals  of  Lear,  Hamlet,  and 
Macbeth.  Yet,  as  compared  with  comedy,  the  limitations 
placed  in  tragedy  upon  the  dramatist's  choice  of  material  are 
much  more  definite  and  detailed. 

The  first  of  these  specific  demands  is  a  character  that 
arouses  sympathy,  and  if  the  tragic  hero  is  perfectly  con- 
ceived, the  sympathetic  response  that  he  calls  forth  is  purely 
for  the  human  soul  in  conflict.  The  introduction  of  cross 
purposes,  the  attempt  to  arouse  sympathy  at  the  same  time 
for  a  cause,  blurs  the  image  and  decreases  the  tragic  appeal. 
The  mediocre  success  of  Kruse's  "  WuUenwever "  Fontane 
attributes  ^  (1872)  to  a  lack  of  organic  unity  between  the 
double  interest  aroused  by  the  hero  as  a  man  and  as  a  re- 
former.    He  writes  that  there  are  no  state  conditions  sacred 

^  The  discussion  of  dramatic  requisites  for  tragedy  is  not  restricted 
entirely  to  tragic  genres.  Some  of  the  suggestions,  meant  apparently  for 
general  application,  reach  into  the  precinct  of  the  spectacular  play,  just 
as  many  of  the  principles  relating  to  comedy  were  not  limited  to  comedy. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  p.  206. 

'  W,  2,  VIII,  130  ff.  —  Kleist  treats  the  same  basic  material  in  "Die 
Hermannsschlacht." 

4  V.  Z.  Oct.  16,  B  2. 


119 

in  themselves;  that  Wullenwever  had  every  right  to  over- 
throw the  patriciate,  to  expel  the  papal  adherents,  and  to  es- 
tablish a  Danish  peasant-kingdom,  if  he  had  been  a  man  to 
compel  conditions;  but  that,  lacking  this  ability,  he  fails  to 
inspire  us  with  positive  sympathy.  Fontane's  objection  ^ 
to  "Herodes  und  Mariamne"  (1874)  is  based  on  the  ground 
that  Hebbel  works  at  variant  purposes  in  the  central  figures; 
they  become  bearers  of  his  own  extreme  modern  ideas  in 
regard  to  tyrannic,  egoistic  love  and  its  unselfish  counterpart, 
yet  they  show  an  intensity  and  enormity  of  passion  in  keeping 
only  with  the  period  in  history  to  which  they  belong.  The 
hero  of  Spielhagen's  "Liebe  fiir  Liebe"  (1875)  is  regarded 
by  Fontane  as  a  questionable  figure  for  the  center  of  dra- 
matic conflict,^  one  of  the  hybrid  conceptions  (Mischcha- 
raktere)  against  which  he  directs  repeated  thrusts.  "Das 
Drama  aber  ist  der  Schauplatz  fiir  ein  Entweder-Oder.'* 
For  this  reason  Wallenstein  is  in  Fontane's  opinion  (1878) 
poorly  adapted  to  drama;  one  does  not  know  whether  to 
sympathize  with  this  hero  or  to  despise  him.^ 

The  second  specific  demand  for  drama,  that  the  conflict 
be  inherent  in  the  opposing  characters,  Fontane  finds  admi- 
rably illustrated  in  Otto  Ludwig's  "Der  Erbforster"  (1879), 
and  to  such  a  degree  that  the  spectator  has  from  the  begin- 
ning the  foreboding  of  inevitable  evil.''  Tragic  simplicity 
and  directness  result  in  part  here  from  the  given  material; 
the  limitations  of  interest  and  ideas,  he  points  out,  are  nec- 
essarily those  of  domestic  tragedy  and  stand  in  close  rela- 
tionship to  the  fate  which  seems  inevitably  bound  up  in  the 
characters  themselves.  The  fact  that  he  notes  in  "Das 
Friedensf est "  also  (1890),  although  he  considers  this  a  ^^ study 
of  life"  rather  than  a  drama,  and  in  Helene  of  "Vor  Sonnen- 
aufgang"  (1889),  that  oneness  of  character  and  conflict  ^ 
which  he  found  lacking  in  Wullenwever,  Herodes,  Mariamne, 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  152  flf. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  208  ff. 

'  W,  2,  VIII,  73;    (report  on  "Die  Piccolomini".) 
<  W,  2,  VIII,  148  ff. 
6  W,  2,  VIII,  308-313. 


120 

and  Wallenstein,  indicates  the  belief  that  material  in  which 
the  conflict  arises  unavoidably  from  the  milieu  is  particu- 
larly adapted  to  the  production  of  such  tragic  unity. 

With  perfect  consistency  Fontane  holds  the  same  principle 
in  connection  with  tragic  guilt;  it  cannot  be  arbitrary;  it 
must  have  its  source  in  character.  Koberstein's  failure  ^  to 
develop  retribution  in  ''Konig  Erich  XIV"  from  its  real 
dramatic  cause  results  in  what  Fontane  terms  (187 1)  ''keine 
Tragodie,  sondern  nur  eine  Criminalgeschichte  aus  der  Ober- 
schicht  der  Gesellschaft."  The  play  might  have  been  a  real 
tragedy,  in  his  opinion,  had  Koberstein  given  full  dramatic 
value  to  the  great  scene  at  the  end  of  Act  II,  in  which  Erich, 
to  test  the  loyalty  of  Magnus,  demands  that  he  sign  the 
death-sentence  of  John,  Duke  of  Finland.  Instead,  however, 
of  placing  the  tragic  climax  here,  he  has  Magnus  swoon  in 
the  act  of  signing,  and  the  scene  becomes  a  mere  bubble. 
Erich,  after  another  whole  act,  murders  Magnus,  proved 
traitor,  in  self-defense,  and  falls  a  victim  finally  to  the  en- 
suing rebellion.  Under  the  manipulation  of  the  dramatist, 
the  historic  tyrant  is  thus  really  deprived  of  guilt.  There  is 
a  similar  criticism  (1879)  o^  Massinger's  method  of  treating 
guilt  in  "The  Duke  of  Milan."  ^  '<Er  schweift  ab,  er  ver- 
wirrt  sich  und  verliert  das  Ziel."  The  last  three  acts  do  not 
fulfil  the  promise  of  the  first  two,  because  the  dramatist 
operates  in  the  last  half  of  the  play  with  two  motifs.  The 
Duke  should  perish  through  his  egoistic  love  for  Marcella. 
Instead,  what  is  technically  here  a  secondary  guilt  is  intro- 
duced in  the  traditional  motif  of  the  deserted  mistress,  and 
the  catastrophe  is  developed  by  means  of  this  guilt,  which  is 
not  only  further  in  the  past  but  dramatically  the  more  ob- 
scure. Again,  Wildenbruch's  "Harold"  shows  (1882)  that 
extreme  disregard  for  consistent,  true  motivation  that  Fon- 
tane criticized  so  severely  in  the  contemporary  writers  of 
German  comedy.     He  says  of  "Harold":^ 

"Es  fehlt  an  wirkhchen  in  den  Charakteren  gegebenen  Konflikten, 
und  was  Konflikt  sein  soil,  ist  nur  eine  durch  Kontradiktionen  eines 

1  F.  Z.  Oct.  25,  B  2.  ^  V.  Z.  Nov.  25,  B  2.  3  W,  2,  VIII,  260. 


121 

kindischen  alten  Konigs  herbeigefiihrte  Konfusion.  Es  fehlt  all  das, 
aus  dem  heraus  sich  grosse  Geschicke  zu  voUziehen  haben.  Es  ist 
weder  eine  tragische  Schuld  da,  noch  das  Walten  eines  iiber  Zufall 
und  Laune  hinauswachsenden  Schicksals.  ..." 

It  seems  to  Fontane  not  suflScient,  however,  that  the  dra- 
matic conflict  have  vital  relation  to  the  character  involved, 
unless  the  human  problem  in  question  is  strong  enough  to 
dominate  other  inherent  weakness  in  the  material.  Wilden- 
bruch's  ''Der  Furst  von  Verona"  suffers  less  from  the  con- 
fusion of  forces  leading  to  Selvaggia's  death  than  from  the 
fact  that  the  main  conflict  is  too  far  removed  from  contem- 
porary interest  ^  (1887).  It  is  the  recurrent  demand  for 
realism  that  will  appeal  to  the  modern  spectator  that  mani- 
fests itself  here,  that  demand  to  which  interest  in  historical 
background  was  wont  to  yield  in  Fontane.  The  criticism  is 
not  out  of  touch  with  his  estimate  of  Falstaff's  humor  as 
antiquated,  and  it  recalls  distinctly  the  report  on  "Minna 
von  Barnhelm"  (1870)  in  which  he  expresses  the  opinion 
that  in  spite  of  great  life  and  freshness  this  play  fails  in  uni- 
versal appeal  because  too  clearly  stamped  with  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  era  it  portrays.^ 

Fontane's  discussion  of  the  problem-play  gives  evidence, 
however,  that  he  developed  in  the  course  of  his  criticism  the 
conviction  that  restrictions  often  placed  somewhat  arbitra- 
rily by  himself  and  others  on  the  choice  of  material  should 
be  made  conditional  upon  method.  A  letter  to  Mr.  Fritsch 
(1894)  indicates  ^  that  he  had  been  inclined  earlier  to  take  a 
radical  stand  against  the  exploitation  of  problems  in  drama, 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  264  ff. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  32  ff. 

'  W,  2,  XI,  315  f.  —  This  letter  was  called  forth  by  a  discussion  of 
"Philotas"  in  an  evening  company.  Mr.  Fritsch  (later  Fontane's  son- 
in-law)  had  expressed  the  opinion  that  "Philotas"  was  not  valued  ac- 
cording to  its  deserts.  Fontane,  after  re-reading  the  play,  took  issue  with 
this  opinion.  With  reference  to  his  own  position  on  general  mooted 
questions  in  literature,  he  wrote:  "Sie  kennen  mich  zu  gut,  als  dass  Sie 
nicht  wissen  sollten,  dass  der  ganze  streitsuchende  Krimskrams  von  Klas- 
sizitat  und  Romantik,  von  Idealismus  und  Realismus,  beinahe  mochte 


122 

but  that  he  is  convinced  that  it  is  method  that  acquits  or 
condemns.  He  condemns  "Philotas"  here  for  its  academic 
character  and  its  consequent  lack  of  convincing  power.  Yet 
every  worthy  material  seems  to  involve  in  his  opinion  a  cer- 
tain degree  of  problem  treatment.  He  wrote  (1880)  that 
real  art  could  not  exist  without  the  expression  of  a  beautiful 
human  thought.^ 

His  treatment  of  the  problem  in  drama  and  the  relation 
of  material  to  method  in  its  use  centers  definitely,  in  the 
discussion  of  three  special  genres:  the  drama  presenting  a 
moral  truth  in  the  manner  of  the  fairy-tale;  the  drama  built 
upon  a  social  problem;  the  drama  treating  a  patriotic  theme 
with  a  background  of  history. 

The  dramatized  fairy-tale  provides  fruitful  soil  for  the 
cultivation  of  a  moral,  if  poetic  atmosphere  is  not  lacking. 
But  the  method  that  fails  to  recognize  the  poetry  inherent 
in  material  that  is  genuine  legend  or  of  legendary  type  sacri- 
fices the  force  of  the  truth  to  be  expressed.  In  his  report  ^ 
on  Wichert's  "Der  Freund  des  Fiirsten"  (1879)  Fontane 
misses  ''the  elves,  those  gracious,  arrogant  little  creatures 
that  disarm  criticism."  On  the  other  hand,  Raimund's  "Der 
Verschwender "  shows  him  (1874)  in  spite  of  the  inadequacy 
of  its  fairies  and  the  abundance  of  its  platitudes,  that  it  was 
conceived  in  a  poetic  soul;  ^  "this  shadelike  beggar,  conjured 
up,  as  it  were,  from  out  of  the  future,"  and  reappearing  be- 
fore the  fugitive  like  his  shadow  or  like  fate  itself  at  moments 

ich  auch  sagen,  von  Tendenz  und  Nichttendenz  —  denn  einige  der  aller- 
grossten  Sachen  sind  doch  Tendenzdichtungen — weit  hinter  mir  liegt. 
Alles  ist  gut,  wenn  es  gut  ist." 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  242  f.  —  The  criticism  is  based  upon  Paul  Lindau's 
"Grafin  Lea."  Fontane  takes  the  position  that  the  play  is  of  a  higher 
order,  and  that  it  is  unreasonable  to  condemn  it  on  the  ground  that  Lin- 
dau's treatment  of  the  Jewish  question  has  less  depth  and  less  elevation 
than  that  of  Lessing  in  "Nathan"  since  it  was  not  Lindau's  primary- 
purpose  to  treat  a  problem. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  213. 

'  Both  reports  on  "Der  Verschwender"  referred  to  are  found  W,  2, 
VIII,  102-105. 


123 

increasingly  dramatic,  grips  the  human  heart  as  powerfully, 
to  Fontanels  mind,  in  spite  of  the  ''fantastic-sentimental'* 
background,  as  does  the  figure  of  Banquo  in  the  realm  of  the 
awful,  the  ''fantastically  exalted."  He  expresses  satisfaction 
(1886)  in  the  possession  of  Raimund,  for  whom  "this  poor 
world  is  full  of  marvel"  as  the  outward  expression  of  a  higher 
power.  He  attributes  (1878)  the  strong  appeal  of  Calderon's 
"Life  a  Dream"  to  the  poetic  treatment  of  the  moral  with 
vital  force  in  the  drama,  in  comparison  with  which  the  lesson 
of  "Der  Traum  ein  Leben"  seems  to  him  a  mere  appendage.^ 
Yet  he  writes  of  the  latter  (1884)  ^  — and  without  forgetting 
its  relation  to  the  Spanish  play  —  that  it  has  strong  ethical 
and  educational  power,  that  the  "better  part"  so  often 
preached  in  empty  phrases  is  here  felt.  "Es  gibt  weniges, 
was  so  riihrt  und  erheitert,  so  hinnimmt  und  entziickt  wie 
gute  Marchen." 

The  justification  of  the  problem  by  method  is  nowhere 
clearer,  however,  than  in  Fontane's  treatment  of  the  social 
problem-play,  which  centers  in  his  discussion  of  the  best 
products  of  the  German  naturalistic  period.  Here  general 
excellence  of  method  attains  in  his  opinion  unusual  artistic 
success  in  spite  of  some  errors  of  detail,  and  in  spite  of  ma- 
terial, the  adaptation  of  which  to  artistic  purposes  may 
sometimes  be  questioned. 

It  must  be  noted  at  the  outset,  however,  that  Fontane 
himself  never  uses  the  term  social  problem-play.  That  he 
classified  the  naturalistic  dramas  as  problem-plays  is  evi- 
dent, nevertheless,  from  the  fact  that  he  places  Hauptmann's 
"Weber"  jn  this  category.^  Paul  Schlenther  had  expressed 
the  opinion  in  print  that  the  importance  of  "Die  Weber" 

1  V.  Z.  Dec.  14,  B  3. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  109  f.  —  That  Fontane  must  have  had  in  mind  here  the 
relation  of  Grillparzer's  play  to  its  Spanish  predecessor  is  to  be  con- 
cluded from  the  fact  that  this  is  one  of  the  reports  in  which  he  refers  to 
what  he  had  written  on  the  same  subject  at  an  earlier  date  (Dec.  12, 
1878). 

3  Cf.  W,  2,  XI,  325-327  (including  footnote). 


124 

like  that  of  ''Nathan  der  Weise"  depended  not  upon  its 
''Tendenz,"  but  upon  its  art,  its  literary  greatness.  Fontane 
shows  in  a  letter  to  Brahm  (Sept.  27,  1894)  his  approval  of 
Schlenther's  position,  although  he  admits  that  the  Haupt- 
mann  play  may  be  open  to  blame;  a  letter  of  the  following 
day  to  Schlenther  himself  indicates  no  little  pleasure  in  the 
fact,  likely,  Fontane  says,  to  be  regarded  by  some  as  "high 
treason,"  that  Schlenther  had  placed  the  Hauptmann  play 
in  juxtaposition  with  that  of  Lessing. 

It  is  noticeable,  further,  that  Fontane  shows  no  opposition 
here,  as  elsewhere,^  to  the  purpose-element  as  such.  What- 
ever disapproval  he  expresses  of  the  work  of  the  German 
naturalists  is  on  the  basis  of  some  esthetic  shortcoming  in 
material.  For  this  reason  alone  he  withholds  from  "Vor 
Sonnenaufgang "  unrestricted  praise.  One  must  surmise  in 
part  as  to  Fontane's  failure  to  take  exception  to  the  empha- 
sis placed  upon  the  problem-element  here.  That  its  promi- 
nence did  not  escape  him  is  evident  from  his  reference  to 
Alfred  Loth  as  a  rider  of  hobbies  and  to  the  drama  as  a 
"Schnapstragodie."  2  That  he  does  not  regard  this  element 
as  ultimately  detrimental  to  the  convincing  power  of  the 
drama,  as  in  the  case  of  ''Ghosts,"  is  the  probable  explanation 
for  lack  of  censure.  He  feels  that  one's  realistic  sense  cannot 
doubt  either  the  conditions  portrayed  in  "Vor  Sonnenauf- 
gang" or  the  existence  side  by  side  of  all  forces  making  for 
and  against  these  conditions.'     He  does  not  make  any  defi- 

^  In  some  miscellaneous  cases  he  considers  the  problem-factor  in  itself 
a  distinct  drawback  to  artistic  results.  In  "Herodes  und  Mariamne" 
there  is  a  lack  of  human  truth  (1874)  because  the  nature  of  the  problem 
introduced  is  not  in  keeping  with  the  historic  setting.  There  is  lack  of 
organic  unity  between  the  problem  and  the  characters  who  develop  it. 
In  "Uriel  Acosta"  a  similar  lack  of  inner  unity  renders  the  hero  uncon- 
vincing and  weakens  the  stamp  of  historic  truth  (1879).  Fitger's  "Von 
Gottes  Gnaden"  is  without  a  vestige  of  real  human  truth  (1890)  because 
too  evidently  constructed  around  the  purpose  of  questioning  divine  right 
of  class  and  of  defending  the  human  right  of  woman.  (Cf.  W,  2,  VIII, 
152  f.,  14s,  246  f.) 

2  Fontane  uses  also  the  older  term  "Komodie"  (Schnapskomodie) . 
Cf.  report  on  "Die  Familie  Selicke,"  Apr.  7,  1890  (W,  2,  VIII,  313). 

3  W,  2,  VIII,  300  f.,  308  f.  (Oct.  20,  1889);    cf.  also  W,  2,  VII,  232. 


125 

nite  statement  to  this  effect,  but  he  writes  of  "Vor  Sonnen- 
aufgang"  as  follows: 

"Eine  sonderbare,  eine  gruselige  Geschichte.  Uberall  im  Lande 
haben  wir  jetzt  Gegenden,  wo  Bauern  und  mitunter  blose  Katner 
iiber  Nacht  reich  geworden  sind,  und  in  eine  seiche  Gegend  fuhrt 
uns  das  Stuck." 

Even  more  important  in  this  connection  is  his  characteriza- 
tion of  Helene: 

"Heftig,  herbe,  leidenschaftlich  und  zugleich  doch  weich  und 
schmiegsam  und  von  einer  edlen  Sehnsucht  nach  Wahrheit,  Frieden, 
und  Liebe  verzehrt;  dazu  Bauernkind  und  Saufertochter  mit  herrn- 
hutischer  Erziehung,  welche  letztere  nicht  bless  obenauf  liegen  blieb, 
sondern  ihr  ins  Herz  drang." 

One  must  conclude  from  the  tenor  of  his  reports  on 
"Ghosts"^  that  he  could  not  take  a  similar  stand  in  regard 
to  it;  the  burden  of  evidence  there  is  for  the  verdict  that 
coincident  conditions  in  this  drama,  although  not  impossible, 
are  made  contiguous  for  the  sake  of  enforcing  the  thesis  in 
question. 

Fontane's  initial  position  (1887)  in  regard  to  "Ghosts"  is 
that  the  theses  are  false.  The  impression  that  the  first  pub- 
lished criticism  makes  upon  the  reader  is,  however,  that  he 
cannot  fully  explain  why  the  drama  fails  to  satisfy  his  esthetic 
sense.  In  a  letter  to  Schlenther  of  the  same  date,  without 
rejecting  the  theses    themselves,  he  notes   the    "pretentious 

^  Fontane's  criticisms  of  "Ghosts"  are  found  W,  2,  VIII,  180-189, 
under  dates  of  Jan.  8,  1887  and  Sept.  30,  1889.  The  first  date  is  erroneous. 
The  performance  was  advertised  Sunday,  Jan.  9,  V.  Z.  noon-edition, 
B  3,  as  a  matinee  for  that  date  in  the  Residenz  theater.  Fontane's 
1887  criticism  is  not  printed  in  V.  Z.  of  this  or  the  following  date. 
The  Monday  edition,  Jan.  10,  contains  a  report  on  the  performance  in 
the  Residenz  theater,  signed  P.  S.  (Paul  Schlenther),  reporter  for  the 
Residenz  theater.  The  letter  to  Schlenther  referred  to  bears  the  date 
Jan.  9,  1887.  It  expresses  thanks  for  Schlenther's  kindness  in  making  it 
possible  for  Fontane  to  enjoy  the  performance,  also  the  desire  "etwas 
iiber  dies  merkwiirdige  Stiick  zu  sagen,"  and  refers  to  the  possibility  of 
appearing  in  the  "Vossin"  some  thirty-six  or  forty-eight  hours  after 
Schlenther  himself  (W,  2,  XI,  121  f.). 


126 

morality"  of  ''Ghosts,"  the  "extreme  pessimism  of  an  eccentric 
philosophy  that  is  only  apparently  correct."  These  words 
throw  light  upon  a  passage  which  receives  no  great  emphasis 
in  the  published  criticism: 

"Wenn  es  sicherlich  nicht  wohlgetan  ware,  den  Blick  gegen  unsere 
Gebrechen  und  Schwachheit  verschliessen  zu  woUen,  so  verbietet 
es  sich  doch  mehr  noch,  all  das,  was  uns  von  Schuld  und  Siinde 
durchs  Leben  hin  begleitet,  unter  ein  vergrossendes  Zerrglas  zu 
tun." 

Fontane  never  relinquishes  this  position.  He  writes  to 
Mete  ^  (Sept.  14,  1889)  that  Ibsen  pursues  even  his  secondary 
motifs  with  a  mania  which  makes  them  assume  for  him  even- 
tually the  importance  of  major  themes,  and  that  in  develop- 
ing them  he  falls  into  "phrases,^  not  of  word,  but  of  feeling." 
He  cites  with  evident  pleasure  both  to  Mete  and  to  Stephany 
(Sept.  30,  1889)  the  opinion  of  Emil  Rittershaus,  that  Ibsen 
the  apothecary  reveals  himself  in  all  his  works,  even  expressing 
his  own  approval  to  Stephany  as  follows:  ''Uberall  der  kleine, 
kluge,  verriickte  Apotheker,  der  sich  weltabgeschieden,  in  eine 
furchtbare  Frage  einbohrt." 

He  writes  of  Hauptmann,  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  letter 
to  Mete  already  cited  —  and  the  opinion  is  called  forth  by 
reading  ''Vor  Sonnenaufgang" — that  he  is  a  "de-phrased" 
(entphraster)  Ibsen.  Since  Fontane  pays  to  Ibsen's  language 
elsewhere  the  highest  possible  tribute,  the  epithet  "de-phrased" 
has  reference  here  also  to  feeling,  to  what  Fontane  considers  an 
abnormal  view  of  life.  In  the  criticism  of  the  play,  written  for 
publication  (a  month  later),  he  finds  it  impossible  to  suggest 
adequately  the  tone  of  the  play,  the  key  in  which  it  is  written 
(der  Ton  in  dem  das  Ganze  gehalten  ist).    Its  tone  gives  the 

1  These  letters  are  found:  W,  2,  VII,  232  f.;  W,  2,  XI,  216  ff.  The 
letter  to  Stephany  is  the  same  date  as  the  first  performance  of  "Ghosts" 
on  the  Free  Stage  in  Berlin.  In  Fontane's  criticism  of  this  date  (W,  2, 
VIII,  185  flf.)  he  ascribes  to  the  drama  great  power  of  conviction,  but  it 
is  conviction  due  to  "artistic  sincerity,"  the  dramatist's  own  ardent  belief 
in  his  theses,  rather  than  to  truth  inherent  in  the  theses  themselves. 

*  Fontane's  hatred  of  the  phrase  as  such  is  treated  under  language; 
of.  below,  pp.  134  f. 


127 

directness  of  the  ballad  and  carries  with  it  the  ballad-thrill. 
This  is  the  tone  of  truth,  of  which  he  regards  only  the  gen- 
uine poet  capable,  *'the  power  of  which  renders  inconsequent 
minor  weaknesses,  even  occasional  absurdities." 

"Bleibt  diese  Wirkung  aus,  iibt  der  Ton  nicht  seine  heiligende, 
seine  rettende  Macht,  verklart  er  nicht  das  Hassliche,  so  hat  der 
Dichter  verspielt,  entweder  well  seine  Griinde  doch  nicht  rein  genug 
waren  und  ihm  die  Luge  oder  zum  mindesten  die  Phrase  im  Herzen 
sass,  oder  well  ihn  die  Kraft  im  Stich  Hess  und  ihn  sein  Werk  in 
einem  unglucklichen  Momente  beginnen  liess." 

More  than  eight  years  later  Fontane  writes  again  to  Stephany 
that  ''Ibsen  may  be  the  stronger  personality,  the  greater  na- 
ture, superior  as  an  epoch-making  genius,"  but  that  Haupt- 
mann  is  the  greater  poet  ''because  more  human,  natural,  and 
true."  1 

Yet  Fontane's  esthetic  sense  is  offended  by  the  tendency  of 
the  German  naturalistic  playwrights  to  draw  exclusively  from 
the  ugly  for  the  mass  of  details  with  which  they  round  out  a 
dramatic  plan.  He  writes,  for  instance,  even  of  "Vor  Son- 
nenaufgang,"  that  the  very  details  which  had  impressed  him 
in  the  reading  as  constituting  what  was  distinctive  and  new 
in  the  play  appealed  to  him  less  forcefully  in  presentation 
than  the  points  it  shows  in  common  with  accepted  dramatic 
traditions.  He  is  therefore  convinced  (Oct.  1889)  that  real- 
ism, even  in  its  most  artistic  form,  must  yield  to  well-defined 
stage-laws  when  it  steps  from  the  book  out  upon  the  boards.^ 
Details  of  real  life,  ornamental  to  the  novel,  homely  though 
they  may  be,  appear  prosaic  on  the  stage  when  portrayed  in 
modified  form,  and  repulsive  when  shown  in  the  glaring  light 
of  actuality.     Similarly  (1890)  in  spite  of  unmitigated  praise 

*  W,  2,  XI,  459  f.  (letter  of  Mar.  22,  1898). 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  305  f.  —  Fontane  does  not  discriminate  by  use  of  differ- 
ent terms  between  realism  in  the  broad  sense  and  its  extreme  phase  known 
as  naturalism.  This  is  no  doubt  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  he  gives  little 
heed  to  technical  terms  in  geheral.  It  was  due  also  in  part  to  the  fact 
that  he  did  not  have  an  historical  perspective  for  the  phenomenon.  The 
spirit  of  his  criticism  shows  that  he  distinguished  promptly  and  clearly 
between  work  of  realistic  and  work  of  naturalistic  character. 


128 

for  "Die  Familie  Selicke"  as  an  epoch-making  play  in  realistic 
accuracy,  he  expresses  very  definite  scruples  against  the  choice 
of  material.  As  an  exceptional  case  he  gives  this  drama  hearty 
welcome,  but  not  as  a  norm.^ 

The  treatment  of  the  problem  is  naturally  less  prominent  in 
the  discussion  of  the  historical  drama  than  the  question  of 
poetic  license  in  the  use  of  historical  fact  and  the  method 
of  adapting  facts  of  historical  importance  artistically  to  the 
dramatic  form.  Fontane  writes  that  the  Tendenz  may  be  pres- 
ent if  it  does  not  become  obtrusive,^  but  sympathy  for  a  cause 
may  not  blur  the  character  conception  or  decrease  the  human 
appeal.^  Nothing  is  to  him  more  lifeless  (nichts  Unerquick- 
licheres)  in  the  hands  of  a  poet  unequal  to  his  task  than  patri- 
otic poetry  (vaterlandische  Dichtung),  nothing  more  refreshing  if 
the  poet's  power  is  adequate.'* 

His  ideas  in  regard  to  the  adaptation  of  historical  ma- 
terial in  drama  have  already  been  indicated  along  broad 
lines:  that  bald  historic  fact  is  not  sufficient;  that  the  purpose 
of  this  type  is  not  to  portray  cultural  conditions;  that  its 
value  lies  in  the  dramatic  conflict  and  the  ethical  truth  and 
poetic  power  with  which  this  conflict  is  treated.^ 

Certain  great  models  appeal  to  him  as  ideals  for  the  genre: 
"Henry  V"  for  poetical  power  (1873);  "Prinz  Friedrich  von 
Homburg"  for  clearness  and  consistency,  the  impression  of 
artistic  necessity  in  the  development  of  plot  (1876);  "Die 
Piccolomini"  ^  for  Shaksperean  clearness  and  variety  in  char- 
acterization and  for  French  beauty  of  form  (1878);  Laube's 
"Graf  Essex"  ^  for  technical  and  structural  excellence,  espe- 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  314  f.  —  Fontane  writes:  '^ Einmal  geht  das,  einmal  lass 
ich  mir  das  gefallen,  sogar  unter  warmster  und  bewundernder  Anerkennung 
gef alien.  .  .  .  Um  Himmelswillen  keine  '  Kontinuation ' !  Ein  Punkt, 
der  nicht  genug  betont  werden  kann." 

2  V.  Z.  Oct.  31,  1876,  B.  3. 

2  Cf.  above,  p.  118  (criticism  of  "  Wullenwever  "). 

4  W,  2,  VIII,  131  (1879). 

5  Cf.  above,  p.  42. 

8  For  reference  to  the  last  three  plays  cf.  W,  2,  VIII,    15,  96,  72. 
'  F.  Z.  Dec.  9,  B  2;    May  15,  1873,  B  2. 


129 

daily  for  the  artistic  use  of  fact  in  the  dramatic  climax  (1879); 
"Gotz  von  Berlichingen"^  for  its  harmonious  combination  of 
beauty,  cultural  background,  and  "historic  style,"  by  which 
Fontane  seems  to  mean  realistic  and  dramatic  simplicity  in 
treating  human  experience  and  the  march  of  great  events 
(1884).^ 

But  it  is  through  Fontane's  adverse  criticisms  that  one  gets, 
on  the  whole,  a  definite  idea  of  the  requirements  he  would 
make  for  adapting  historical  fact  to  drama.  Although  his 
preference  of  Laube's  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Schiller's  conception 
would  indicate  a  predilection  for  the  method  that  retains  the 
character  of  history,  this  is  not  a  prominent  demand  in  his 
criticism.  He  rejects  Koberstein's  ''Konig  Erich  XIV"  (1871), 
for  instance,  not  primarily  because  accuracy  is  sacrificed,  but 
because  the  conception  is  dramatically  inconsistent.^  Again 
(1883),  it  is  the  lack  of  imaginative  ability,  of  originality, 
which  he  sees  in  Michael  Beer's  "Struensee"  that  he  defines 
as  deficient  historic  sense  "was  in  einem  historischen  Stiick 
nicht  viel  weniger  bedeutet  als  *es  fehlt  an  Wahrheit  iiber- 
haupt."'3 

It  is  evident,  indeed,  that  historic  accuracy  took  rank  with 
Fontane  below  a  number  of  other  considerations.  It  is  second- 
ary to  psychological  truth  (1872)  as  in  Gottschall's  portrayal 
of  Katharina  Howard.*  It  may  yield,  as  in  stage  setting,  to 
poetic  appeal;  the  art  in  Kleist's  conception  of  the  Prince  of 
Homburg^  is  eventually  convincing  (1876)  in  spite  of  the  vio- 
lation of  historic  truth;  he  defends  ^  even  more  strongly  (1888) 
Heyse's  disregard  of  fact  in  "Die  Weisheit  Salomos"  on  the 
basis  that  Heyse  uses  King  Solomon  merely  as  a  bearer  of  the 
important  poetic  human  truth  taken  as  the  theme. 

1  V.  Z.  Apr.  22,  B  I. 

*  Cf.  above,  p.  120. 

»  V.  Z.  Nov.  4,  No.  517. 

*  V.  Z.  Mar.  5,  B  2. 
6  W,  2,  VIII,  96. 

*  Fontane's  words  on  this  occasion  go  so  far  as  to  disregard,  for  the 
sake  of  emphasis  upon  the  ideal,  the  more  general  principle  of  realistic 
portrayal.  "Geschichte  hin,  Geschichte  her.  Ja,  weitergehend,  auch  der 
alltagliche  Mensch  kommt  hier  nicht  in  Frage;    der  wirkliche  Arnold  von 


130 

It  is  **Die  Quitzows"  that  illustrates  in  Fontane's  opinion 
the  supreme  exercise  of  the  faculty  of  dramatic  instinct  as  to 
initial  choice  of  historic  material,  rejection  or  retention  of  de- 
tails, and  original  additions  from  the  author's  imagination.^ 
The  choice  that  Wildenbruch  makes  for  his  drama  from  the 
whole  mass  of  historic  narrative  evinces  to  Fontane  the  infalli- 

Melchthal  kann  seine  Betrachtung  iiber  den  Werth  des  Auges  unmoglich 
im  Schillerstil  gehalten  haben;  was  zur  Erscheinung  gebracht  werden 
soil,  ist  nicht  die  Wirklichkeit,  sondern  das  Ideal. 

'Alles  wiederholt  sich  nur  im  Leben, 
Ewig  jung  ist  nur  die  Phantasie, 
Was  sich  nie  und  nirgends  hat  gegeben, 
Das  allein  veraltet  nie.* 

Dieses  Schillerschen  Worts  war  Heyse  eingedenk  und  schuf  ein  Stiick, 
das  weder  auf  kuUurhistorische  Korrektheit,  noch  auf  Durchschnittswahr- 
scheinlichkeit,  sondern  lediglich  auf  sein  poetisches  VoUmass,  auf  Schon- 
heit  und  Erhebung  angesehen  sein  will.  Es  nahert  sich  dadurch,  trotz 
seines  historischen  Konigs  Salomo  den  MdrchenstUcken  hohen  und  hochsten 
Stils."  Fontane  makes  this  last  generalization  definite  by  mentioning 
"Winter's  Tale"  and  by  reference  to  the  work  of  Calderon  and  Grill- 
parzer  on  the  basis  of  "Life  a  Dream"  (V.  Z.  Feb.  19,  B  i). 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  265  ff.  —  No  less  distinguished  a  critic  than  Dr.  Paul 
Schlenther  takes  exception  to  Fontane's  verdict  concerning  this  one  of 
the  Wildenbruch  dramas.  He  writes  (W,  2,  VIII,  Vorwort,  IX):  "Die 
wenigsten  werden  Wildenbruchs  'Quitzows'  mit  ihm  so  viel  hoher  stellen 
als  Wildenbruch's  'Karolinger.'"  Whatever  may  be  one's  personal  esti- 
mate of  the  completed  drama  in  question,  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to 
Fontane's  ability  to  judge  fairly  the  dramatic  sense  of  the  author  in  the 
selection  of  material  for  the  restricted  limits  of  the  dramatic  form.  Fon- 
tane had  himself  worked  through  much  of  the  Quitzow  material  as  found 
in  historic  narratives  for  Volume  5  of  his  "  Wanderungen."  Letters  of 
1887  mention  interest  in  the  Quitzow  chapter  of  "Fiinf  Schlosser"  which 
appeared  late  in  Oct.  1888  (cf.  Appendix).  This  material  must  have 
been  fresh  in  Fontane's  mind  when  his  criticism  of  Wildenbruch's  drama, 
called  forth  by  the  premiere  in  Nov.  1888,  was  written.  Fontane's 
predilection  for  everything  connected  with  the  history  of  Mark  Branden- 
burg may  have  given  him  extraordinarily  keen  interest  in  this  one  of 
Wildenbruch's  works.  His  personal  knowledge  of  both  ballad  and 
narrative  sources,  his  own  interest  in  the  possibilities  of  the  ballad  as  a 
literary  form,  his  fondness  for  the  old  German  ballads,  and  his  unrealized 
desire  to  write  drama  himself  must,  on  the  other  hand,  have  made  him 
extraordinarily  critical  also  in  this  case. 


131 

bility  of  the  Quellenfinder ,  whose  magic  rod  discovers  the  spring 
beneath  a  barren  surface.  His  creation  of  the  smith's  ap- 
prentice on  the  basis  of  a  mere  suggestion  from  a  Pomeranian 
ballad  attests,  furthermore,  an  equal  degree  of  imaginative 
power;  Kohne  Finke  is  to  Fontane  not  only  a  living  but  a 
life-giving  figure  in  the  drama,  and  at  the  same  time  the  in- 
carnation of  the  folk's  longing,  of  their  homely,  whimsical 
humor,  and  of  their  loyalty, — an  Autolycus  of  the  Mark, 
with  a  slight  impress  of  Jack  Cade. 

That  the  dramatic  instinct  and  the  poetic  instinct  are  for 
Fontane  interrelated  has  already  been  clearly  suggested  at 
several  points;  one  has  only  to  recall  ^  the  importance  to  him 
of  the  poetic  element  in  **Der  Prinz  von  Homburg"  and  "Die 
Weisheit  Salomos"  and  his  comparison  of  the  tone  of  "Vor 
Sonnenaufgang "  with  that  of  the  ballad.  It  is  clear  from  a 
number  of  criticisms,  also,  that  he  considers  the  ability  to  use 
the  lyric  element  for  dramatic  ends  not  only  advantageous  but 
often  requisite  to  true  dramatic  art.  He  deplores  (1873)  the 
partial  omission  and  partial  transformation  of  the  chorus  in 
the  Berlin  presentation  of  ''Oedipus  Rex";  the  substitution  ^ 
for  it  of  the  peasant's  speech  after  the  dread  warning  of 
Teiresias  seems  to  him  incapable  of  the  same  power  in  sug- 
gesting terror;  ''hier  erwartet  man  das  Einf alien  einer  klang- 
getragenen  lyrischen  Strophe."  He  regards  ^  the  chorus  (1879) 
in  ''Die  Braut  von  Messina"  as  not  only  the  most  beautiful 
part  of  the  drama  but  the  part  that  takes  firmest  hold  upon 
the  spectator.  Grillparzer's  perception  of  the  dramatic  possi- 
bility in  the  lyric  original  of  the  Hero  and  Leander  story  is  to 
him  a  mark  of  genius^  (1874);  the  lyric  depth  attained  by 
Grillparzer  is  greater  in  his  opinion  than  even  that  of  "Die 
Braut  von  Messina;"    although  he  holds  that  Grillparzer  has 

^  Cf.  below,  p.  139. 

2  V.  Z.  Sept.  23,  B  2  (additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  i  ff.)  —  This  presen- 
tation followed  the  translation  by  Adolf  Wilbrandt. 

3  V.  Z.  Jan.  9,  B  i.  —  He  had  written  in  1873  that  the  chorus  in 
this  drama  exercised  its  old  power  (F,  Z.  May  11,  B  4). 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  106  ff.;    cf.  also  above,  p.  112. 


132 

not  worked  out  the  dramatic  details  of  Hero's  struggle  with 
complete  esthetic  success,  he  does  not  agree  with  the  charge 
that  the  lyric  element  is  too  prominent.  A  later  criticism  ^ 
of  this  drama  (1881)  dwells  somewhat  at  length  upon  the  idea, 
suggested  in  connection  with  ''Oedipus  Rex,"  of  dramatic 
effect  derived  from  lyric  expression.  Fontane  writes  of  the 
temple-guard's  description  (in  Act  IV)  of  the  shadows  on  the 
tower- wall : 

"Was  er  da  giebt  ist  nicht  nur  eine  Beschreibung,  aber  diese 
Beschreibung  ist  von  einer  solchen  Macht  und  hoheren  poetischen 
Anschaulichkeit,  dass  das  blosse  Wort  an  die  Stella  des  Erlebnisses 
tritt  und  wir  dies  nachtlich  GeheimnisvoUe,  das  in  Spuk  und  Ahnung 
Gehiillte  wie  gegenstandlich  mit  durchzumachen  glauben.  .  .  . 
vielleicht  ein  Beweis  dafiir,  dass  alle  grosse  poetische  Wirkung  im 
Letzten  immer  auf  ein  dramatisches  Element  hinauslauft.  Erlkonig 
und  die  Lenore  haben  mich  immer  hingerissen  wie  Macbeth,  und 
es  giebt  Lieder,  alte  und  neue,  die  voUkommen  den  Zauber  und 
die  Wirkung  einer  dramatischen  Liebesscene  haben." 

That  dramatic  instinct  is  evinced  in  form  is  no  new  idea. 
Ever  since  Freytag  promulgated  his  theory  of  technic  the 
details  of  external  form  have  served  largely  as  a  point  of  de- 
parture for  dramatic  criticism  and  analysis.  The  unusual 
degree  to  which  esthetic  sense  predominates  in  Fontane's 
criticism  over  conscious  application  of  any  such  fixed  norm  is 
one  of  its  most  distinctive  features.  This  is  not  to  say  that 
the  consideration  of  external  form  is  unusual  in  his  reports. 
The  fact  that  he  does  not  fail  to  regard  structural  outline 
shows  in  the  distinction  he  makes  between  material  adapted 
primarily  to  narrative  and  that  adapted  to  drama.  Further- 
more, as  specific  examples:  Geibel's  ''Brunhild"  gains  in  his 
opinion  (1872)  in  presentation  because  of  good  detailed  mo- 
tivation and  general  artistic  dramatic  plan,  whereas  the  usual 
fate  of  the  modern  tragedy  is  to  lose  in  its  appeal  from  the 
stage;  2  in  Lindner's  "Brutus  und  Collatinus"  the  skilful 
use  of  the  Lucretia  story  ^  as  a  mere  step  in  the  general  plan, 

1  V.  Z.  Oct.  14,  B  I. 

2  V.  Z.  June  7,  B  2. 
»  V.  Z.  Feb.  23,  B  2. 


133 

in  spite  of  dramatic  possibilities  in  it  equal  to  those  of  the 
Brutus  story  itself,  avoids  confusion  and  an  undue  division 
of  sympathy  (1879);  the  external  flaw  of  ''Herodes  und 
Mariamne"  is  (1874)  that  the  exposition  does  not  reach  far 
enough  into  the  past;  ^  but  Act  I  of  ''Die  Rantzau"  is  (1883) 
an  ''exposition  comme  il  faut.^' ^  Fontane's  conviction  in 
regard  to  external  form  is,  however,  that  important  as  it  is, 
it  is  capable  of  being  learned  or  is  often  practically  dictated 
by  the  inherent  character  of  the  given  material.  He  lays  far 
greater  weight,  on  the  whole,  upon  less  tangible  factors 
dependent  primarily  upon  innate  esthetic  instinct,  such  as 
tone,  organic  unity  or  internal  form,  and  that  sort  of 
dramatic  expression  by  means  of  which  the  characters 
assume  life. 

Without  that  indefinable  content  that  Fontane  calls  worthy 
tone  or  sentiment  (Gesinnung)  no  play  can  have  for  him 
complete  artistic  value.  It  was  a  phase  of  this  requisite  which 
to  him  gave  worth  to  the  work  of  Benedix  and  Wilbrandt, 
which  was  not  generally  recognized  in  the  case  of  the  former 
because  of  attendant  lack  of  style,  which  was  never  attained 
by  Scribe  and  his  French  followers  in  spite  of  their  ability  in 
sparkling  effects.^  Tone  is  that  unconscious  expression  of  the 
spirit  of  the  dramatist  that  gives  character  to  his  work  in 
spite  of  technical  defects,  "jenes  Endgiiltige,  das  zum  Guten 
Oder  Schlechten  scheidet."  ^  It  is  apparently  the  faculty 
which  makes  the  dramatist  a  seer;  Ibsen  lacked  it  at  times, 
although  what  Fontane  terms  'artistic  sincerity'  redeemed  the 
Norwegian's  work  for  him  in  spite  of  this  deficiency;  Haupt- 
mann  attained  it  in  "Vor  Sonnenaufgang "  to  a  rare  degree; 
Wildenbruch's  "Harold"  has  no  value  for  Fontane  because 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  154. 

2  V.  Z.  Feb.  9,  B  I. 
^  Cf.  above,  p.  70. 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  156.  —  That  this  quality  alone  cannot  justify  a  play  for 
Fontane  stands  to  reason.  It  is  practically  the  only  redeeming  feature 
in  Kruse's  "Marino  Faliero,"  from  a  criticism  of  which  the  above  cita- 
tion is  taken;  but  the  drama,  lacking  clear,  consistent  conception  of  char- 
acter and  external  unity  also,  fails  naturally  in  spite  of  it  (F.  Z.  Dec.  23, 
1876,  B  2.  —  additional  to  ist  reference). 


134 

of  complete  failure  in  regard  to  it;  Schiller  attained  it  in 
"Tell"  in  spite  of  a  certain  external  unreality.^ 

In  the  greatest  dramas  this  atmosphere,  the  material,  and 
the  structural  plan  combine  to  produce  that  organic  unity  the 
result  of  which  is  complete  harmony  in  the  constituent  parts. 
The  dramatist  cannot  fail  to  perceive  this  inevitable  relation 
between  content  and  form  without  sacrificing  the  power  of 
his  work.  Hauptmann  shows  in  Fontane's  opinion  (1896)  an 
inconsistency  of  feeling,  a  lack  of  clear,  esthetic  perception  in 
Act  V  of  "Die  versunkene  Glocke";  the  entire  act  ^  with  the 
exception  of  the  scene  at  the  well  between  the  Nickelmann  and 
Rautendelein  is  superfluous  and  the  final  return  of  the  bell- 
maker  to  the  sprite  is  an  annoyance  in  the  esthetic  sense 
(macht  verdriesslich).  The  play,  as  developed,  admits  of 
nothing  more  than  a  final  tableau  after  Act  IV,  showing  Rau- 
tendelein in  resignation  at  the  well,  with  perhaps  some  words 
of  the  Nickelmann  to  the  satyr,  and  to  her.  The  conclusion 
which  Hauptmann  gives  presupposes  for  Fontane  an  entirely 
different  structural  plan  for  the  entire  work. 

The  element,  however,  in  which  esthetic  and  dramatic  in- 
stinct unite  with  real  life-giving  power  is,  above  all  others, 
language.  The  external  structural  outline  may  be  that  de- 
manded by  the  material  chosen  without  effecting  the  highest 
artistic  result.  Complete  harmony  between  the  two  is  real- 
ized only  in  the  perfect  adaptation  of  expression  to  content. 
The  literary  artist  speaks  through  Fontane's  entire  treatment  of 
the  esthetic  in  drama;  it  is  especially  through  his  discussion  of 
language  that  the  human  insight  of  the  poet  is  revealed.    Many 

1  Fontane  writes  of  "Harold":  "Es  ist  weder  aus  klaren  noch  aus 
richtigen  Anschauungen  heraus  geboren  und  tragt  insoweit  einen  ganz 
modernen  Stempel,  als  es  ausschliesslich  dem  Effekte,  nicht  aber  der 
Wahrheit  dient."  He  says  of  "Tell,"  on  the  contrary,  which  he  uses  to 
illuminate  by  contrast  the  shortcoming  of  "Harold":  "Tell,  ein  Stiick, 
das  einer  gewissen  Unwirklichkeit  seiner  Gestalten  bezichtigt  wird,  ich 
will  nicht  sagen  von  alien  aber  doch  von  vielen.  Und  doch  wie  wahr  ist 
alles,  gleichviel  wie  man  sich  zu  der  Frage  von  der  Wirklichkeit  oder 
Unwirklichkeit  aller  darin  auftretenden  Personen  auch  stellen  mag.  (W, 
2,  VIII,  254  and  additional  in  V.  Z.  Apr.  23,  1882,  B  i.) 

2  W,  2,  XI,  411  f.  (letter  to  Otto  Brahm). 


135 

critics  base  a  certain  amount  of  more  or  less  stereotyped  com- 
mendation or  praise  upon  language.  Fontane's  treatment  is 
more  than  ordinarily  tangible,  and  although  of  necessity  piece- 
meal, like  all  other  branches  of  his  so-called  theory,  it  is  sur- 
prisingly extensive  for  the  limitations  of  occasional  criticism. 

He  waged  a  continuous  warfare  against  unnatural  and  unin- 
spired language  in  all  its  phases,  but  especially  against  the 
pomp  and  empty  imagery  of  what  is  frequently  termed 
melodious  language  (schone  Sprache),  "pomphaft  aufge- 
bauschte  Satze,  verziert  mit  Bildern,  die  entweder  falsch 
oder  unverstandlich  sind."  ^  His  conviction  of  falseness  in 
Gutzkow's  dramatic  work  rests  less  on  the  warped,  confused 
characters  which  result  from  arbitrary  delineation  and  incon- 
sistency in  detail^  than  from  the  peccability  of  his  language. 
Even  passages,  beautiful  in  themselves,  such  as  those  (1879) 
in  "Uriel  Acosta,"  having  to  do  with  the  sudden  restoration 
of  sight  to  the  blind  man  and  the  blossoming  of  the  withered 
staff,  are  open  to  attack,  and  the  speech  is  in  general  distorted 
and  misshapen  (schief  und  krumm).^  Even  some  of  Shak- 
spere's  imagery  is  acceptable  to  Fontane  only  on  account  of 
the  counterbalancing  power  of  other  factors  in  Shakspere's 
genius.^  The  usual  imitation  of  Shaksperean  figure  results  in 
what  is  poetry  only  to  the  Philistine;  its  presence  is  a  flaw 
among  the  points  of  excellence  of  Lindner's  ''Brutus  and 
Collatinus " ;  ^  its  absence  is  an  advantage  for  which  Laube 
and  Benedix  are  commended  by  Fontane.® 

But  a  genuine  language  of  imagery,  such  as  is  rare  among 
Shaksperean  followers,  he  finds  in  Grillparzer  and  Hebbel,  a 
use  of  image  not  as  an  external  ornament,  but  inseparable 

1  V.  Z.  Feh.  24,  1878,  B  3. 

2  Cf.  above,  p.  94. 

3  W,  2,  VIII,  145  f. 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  134!.  —  From  a  report  on  Laube's  "Die  Karlsschiiler," 
Feb.  19,  1881. 

^  V.  Z.  Feb.  23,  1879,  B  2.  —  Fontane's  adverse  criticism  of  Lind- 
ner's language  is  based  on  its  unevenness.  He  commends  it  for  the 
excellence  of  brevity  at  decisive  points,  where  a  single  word  is  often  made 
effective. 

8  Cf.  p.  63. 


136 

from  the  thought  it  adorns,  a  simultaneous  growth  with  the 
mysterious  secret  power  of  nourishing  and  sustaining  the 
thought.  Such  use  of  image  is  in  itself  a  distinct  factor  in 
dramatic  power,  as  noted  in  the  case  of  ''Des  Meeres  und  der 
Liebe  Wellen,"  where  the  power  of  poetic  language  becomes 
practically  a  substitute  for  more  ordinary  devices  for  pro- 
ducing dramatic  tension.  He  says  in  connection  with  "Die 
Piccolomini"  also  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  provide  for  ac- 
tion by  means  of  poison  or  dagger,  when  the  "word"  itself 
is  made  (as  here)  a  source  of  power.^ 

Similar  dramatic  tension  may  be  attained  through  realistic 
simplicity  in  language.  Fontane  attributes  the  power  of 
*'Die  Hermannsschlacht "  (1875)  ultimately  to  the  truth, 
sincerity,  and  directness  of  Kleist's  language.^  He  ascribes 
the  superiority  of  ''Die  Quitzows"  (1888)  over  Wildenbruch's 
earlier  dramas  not  only  to  the  dramatist's  clever  use  of  his- 
toric and  legendary  suggestion,  but  to  the  sound,  pithy,  vigor- 
ous, individualized  language  of  simplicity  that  triumphs  here 
in  large  part  over  Wildenbruch's  general  tendency  to  the  forced 
phrase.^  In  ''The  Lady  from  the  Sea"  (1889)  the  poetic 
charm  of  Ibsen's  simple  language  is  the  chief  compensatory 
means  for  making  conviction  banish  whatever  doubts  arise  in 
the  spectator's  mind  in  the  course  of  the  first  acts.^ 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  72  (Nov.  II,  1871). 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  92  ff.  —  Fontane  urges  glowing  patriotism  as  the  emo- 
tional motive-power  of  the  drama,  rather  than  the  hatred  of  the  enemy, 
mentioned  by  Julian  Schmidt  as  dramatic  in  spite  of  the  esthetic  weak- 
ness connected  with  the  conquest  of  the  enemy  by  treachery.  Fontane 
seeks  the  cause  for  this  hatred  in  the  strong  love  of  the  Fatherland  that 
inspires  the  work,  and  the  reason  for  the  dramatic  appeal  of  the  latter 
emotion  in  basic  truth  of  conception  and  simplicity  of  expression. 

3  W,  2,  VIII,  267  f. 

*  V.  Z.  Mar.  6,  B  i.  —  Such  doubts  connect  themselves  in  Fontane's 
opinion  with  Act  II,  which  he  says  "muthet  in  seiner  Hauptszene  dem 
Zuschauer  nach  der  Seite  des  .  .  .  physiologisch  Mystischen  hin,  mehr 
zu,  als  ihm  vielleicht  zugemutet  werden  darf."  The  scene  referred  to  is 
that  in  which  Ellida,  after  telling  her  husband  of  her  betrothal  to  a  ship- 
captain  before  her  marriage,  confesses  that  she  has  been  oppressed  by 
the  sense  of  this  lover's  nearness,  and  by  the  likeness  to  him  which  she 
saw  in  her  child. 


137 

As  the  presence  of  convincing  language  counterbalances 
weakness,  so  its  absence  renders  practically  futile  factors  in 
themselves  essentials  for  success  in  drama,  such  as  correct 
general  conception  of  character  and  of  external  outline.  This 
idea  of  language  as  a  determining  element  in  drama  is  not 
original  with  Fontane.  He  interprets  its  power,  however,  in 
a  new  way,  making  it  inseparable  from  the  underlying  tone, 
together  with  which  it  gives  the  impression  of  sound  and  har- 
monious art,  since  it  is  truth  in  language  that  constitutes 
what  Fontane  terms  (1873)  the  dramatist's  '* poetic  tech- 
nic";^  in  the  work  of  Ibsen,  language  seems  to  him  further 
the  very  material  through  which  the  dramatist  rears  a  stable 
structure  to  outlines  of  artistic  beauty. 

Ibsen's  service  to  the  drama  Fontane  considers  (1898)  to 
be  above  all  else  the  creation  of  a  new  language.^  He  does 
not  mean,  however,  that  either  the  simplicity  of  Ibsen's 
language  or  its  realism  in  the  abstract  made  it  epoch-marking. 
It  was  not  absolutely  new,  moreover,  in  its  intimate  relation 
to  the  thought.  All  these  qualities  had  reached  excellence 
in  both  Shakspere  and  Goethe.  Ibsen's  service  to  language 
seems  to  mean  to  Fontane  something  more  than  the  ordinary 
adaptation  of  word  to  situation,  character,  and  thought;  it  is, 
rather,  the  use  of  dialog  as  a  structural  unit  through  which 
the  whole  grows  gradually  to  completeness.  In  spite  of  Fon- 
tane's  high  praise  of  the  language  employed  by  Wildenbruch 
in  ''Die  Quitzows,"  he  incorporates  into  his  criticism  (1888) 
of  this  drama  the  statement  that  Ibsen  is  a  giant  as  compared 
with  Wildenbruch  in  the  artistic  molding  of  his  material,  in 
consistency  and  accuracy;  that  perfection  of  form  produces 
in  Ibsen  an  effect  similar  to   tension,   rendering  content,  as 

^  Fontane  writes  of  Koberstein's  "Um  Nancy":  "Ein  gut  gegriffenes 
und  gut  gebautes,  in  Charakteren  und  Motiven  mindestens  sehr  hin- 
nehmbares  Stiick,  das  dennoch  scheiterte.  Das  scheiterte,  weil  es  ihm, 
in  Gegensatz  zu  einer  ausreichend  geiihten  BUhnentechnik,  an  jener 
dichterischen  Technik  gebrach,  die,  mit  Hilfe  eines  wohlgesponnenen,  die 
richtigen  Zeitmaasse  haltenden  Dialoges,  zwischen  den  Gegensatzen  zu 
vermitteln  .  .  .  weiss"  (W,  2,  VIII,  226  f.,  and  V.  Z.  Feb.  i,  B  2). 

2  W,  2,  XI,  465  (letter  to  F.  Stephany,  May  17). 


138 

in  Platen's  odes  and  hexameters,  a  matter  of  comparative 
indifference.^ 

This  perfection  of  form  that  makes  content  merely  sub- 
sidiary can  mean  only  organic  harmony.  Unity  has  been 
from  time  immemorial  a  crux  of  critics.  It  is  clear  from  this 
that  perfect  unity  has  for  Fontane  a  meaning  more  subtle 
than  for  his  predecessors  in  dramatic  criticism,  that  it  involves 
for  him  not  only  conformity  to  law,  but  to  the  sternest  dic- 
tates of  the  esthetic  sense.  It  takes  unity  of  action  for  granted 
and  sets  up  as  its  goal  an  artistic  unity  in  the  attainment  of 
which  no  word,  no  detail^  fails  of  its  purpose. 

Although  this  form-ideal  is  for  Fontane  the  perfect  whole  of 
perfect  constituents,  he  finds  adequate  completeness  possible 
without  perfection  in  all  of  the  various  parts.  Through  the 
use  of  what  he  terms  retroactive  power  (rtickwirkende  Kraft) 
a  balance  may  be  established  between  factors  esthetically 
unequal,  which  makes  eventually  for  the  approximate  com- 
pleteness of  the  whole.  This  seems  a  phase  of  proportion 
similar  to  the  compensatory  power  attributed  to  poetic  lan- 
guage, but  not  coincident  with  this.  It  is  at  the  same  time  a 
kind  of  dramatic  or  artistic  speculation,  a  risk  at  one  point 
for  a  gain  at  another.  Fontane  does  not  consider  this  principle 
well  reckoned  with  (1874)  in  ''Herodes  und  Mariamne/'  since 
Mariamne's  protestations  of  blissful  love  for  Herod  (Act  V)  are 
made  too  late  to  counteract  the  absence  of  convincing  expo- 
sition.2  It  works  negatively,  with  destructive  force  (1872),  in 
the  sudden  and  improbable  shifting  of  brides  at  the  end  of 
Gutzkow's  ''Ein  weisses  Blatt";  again  (1883)  in  Wildenbruch's 
"Die  Karolinger"  through  arbitrary  use  of  improbable  inci- 
dent.^ It  has  positive  or  constructive  force  *  in  "  Christoph 
Marlowe"  (1884)  through  the  development  of  Marlowe  from 
Act  III  as  the  victim  of  an  evil  spirit;  in  ''Die  Weisheit 
Salomos"  (1888)  through  the  simple  triumph  of  love  over  all 

1  Cf.  above,  p.  130,  n.  i. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  151  ff. 

»  Cf.:    V.  Z.,  Apr.  7,  1872,  B  4;    W,  2,  VIII,  252. 
4  Cf.:    W,   2,  VIII,   262;    V.  Z.  Feb.   19,   1888,   B  i;    V.  Z.  Jan.  27, 
1890,  Abendausgabe  (additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  207  f.);    W,  2,  VIII,  94  ff. 


139 

doubts  as  to  historic  truth  or  probability;  in  Tolstoi's  "Power 
of  Darkness"  (1890)  through  the  dramatic  and  ethical  power 
of  Act  V.  It  is,  however,  Kleist's  use  of  the  principle  in  "Prinz 
Friedrich  von  Homburg"  (1876)  that  impresses  him  as  most 
skilful.  He  finds  the  principle  recurrent  here,  and  the  con- 
sistency, clearness,  and  unity  which  the  whole  plan  gains 
through  it  not  only  obliterate  early  dissonances  due  to  dis- 
regard of  historic  truth  but  make  them  appear  essential  to 
the  unique  artistic  organism. 

This  prominence  given  by  Fontane  to  the  principle  of 
retroactive  power  is  one  of  various  indications  that  his  ver- 
dicts rest  upon  the  character  of  the  result  without  stern  dic- 
tation of  method,  provided  an  artistic  end  is  reached.  The 
strongest  proof  of  this  lies  in  his  attitude  toward  the  different 
literary  movements  or  so-called  schools.  He  knew  no  such 
sentiment  as  the  eliminating  prejudice  connected  with  a  name, 
and  to  take  a  fixed  position  for  all  time  on  any  question  would 
have  been  to  him  unthinkable.^ 

The  classic  method  per  se  occupies  comparatively  little 
space  in  his  criticism,  but  high  regard  for  the  salient  char- 
acteristics of  classic  style  is  everywhere  apparent.  A  spirit 
of  deep  reverence  pervades  his  report  (1873)  on  "Oedipus 
Rex,"  and  his  enumeration  of  its  points  of  excellence  shows 
the  realization  of  more  ideals  than  he  often  found  together: 
impressive  material  and  power  in  welding  it  into  admirable 
form;  from  line  to  line  purity  and  majesty  of  expression,  free 
from  all  bombast  and  triviality;  in  the  chorus  lyric  strophes 
borne  along  by  their  own  melody;  finally,  the  overwhelming 
power  of  inexorable  law  in  the  slow  chiseling  of  human  fate. 
The  external  speaks  to  him,  similarly ,2  with  power  (1873)  in 

*  He  wrote  to  Wilhelm  and  Henriette  v.  Merckel  from  London  in 
1857  (W,  2,  X,  163):  "...  eigensinnig  bin  ich  nie.  Ich  vernarre  mich 
in  nichts,  weder  in  Menschen  noch  in  Dinge,  erwage  jeden  Augenblick 
die  Chancen  der  Situation  und  handle  danach."  These  words,  an  expres- 
sion of  that  objective  sense  of  which  he  wrote  later  to  Friedlander,  had 
no  direct  reference  to  literary  criticism;  yet  they  are  significant  for  his 
entire  critical  work.     (Cf.  also  W.  2,  X,  308;  W,  2,  VI,  Vorwort,  XI  f.) 

2  W,  2,  VIII,    I  f.  (also  V.  Z.  Sept.  23,  B   i),  57  f. 


140 

** Oedipus  Coloneus."  He  gives  extreme  praise  to  the  beauty 
of  *'Tasso,"  to  the  lyric  depth  of  ''Iphigenie"  and  "Des  Meeres 
und  der  Liebe  Wellen,"  indirectly  also  to  the  repose  and  the 
beauty  of  line  of  the  French  classic  drama.^ 

Yet  there  are  repeated  evidences  that  he  considered  the 
classic  drama  ill-fitted  to  fulfil  the  mission  of  the  modern 
stage,  —  and  for  two  reasons:  first,  because  classic  form  and 
style  had  degenerated  in  most  of  the  disciples  of  the  great 
classicists  —  and  especially  in  the  hands  of  his  contemporaries 
—  into  a  confusion  of  affectation  and  false  ideality;  second, 
it  involved  an  inherent  separation  from  modern  life.  As  early 
as  1870,  after  praise  of  the  national  element  in  ''Tell"  and  the 
appeal  of  Heyse's  ''Colberg"  to  the  Prussian  heart,  Fontane 
writes  in  depreciation  of  the  elevated  style:  "AUes,  was  der 
Sprache  unseres  modernen  Lebens  naher  steht,  gliickt  besser 
als  der  hohe  Gang  Schiller'scher  Verse."  He  says  (1873)  in 
connection  with  "Tasso"  that  court  and  salon  plots  are  cir- 
cumscribed in  appeal  by  the  limitations  of  time  and  locality, 
that  greater  problems  move  the  modern  world,  whose  interests 
tend  to  turn  from  the  exceptional  human  beings  of  high  sta- 
tion to  the  human  factor  of  the  mass  (dem  Menschen  selber). 
Although  he  notes  in  ''The  Wild  Duck"  the  absence  of  the 
accepted  type  of  tragic  exaltation,  he  is  led  by  the  deep  truth 
of  this  drama  and  its  close  relation  to  life  to  the  conviction, 
expressed  (1888)  without  direct  reference  to  classic  tragedy, 
that  elevation  need  not  be  of  the  traditional  sort,  that  it  may 
be  attained  through  simple  submission  to  the  awful  supremacy 
of  unfathomable  fate.^ 

It  is  noticeable  also  that  much  that  Fontane  praises  even  in 
the  classic  has  close  relation  to  the  facts  of  life.  This  is  illus- 
trated most  clearly  in  the  connection  he  notes  between  the 
Greek  conception  of  sin  and  retribution  and  that  of  the  natural- 
istic drama.  His  idea  of  the  character  and  place  of  retribution 
in  tragedy  shows  early  the  developing  realist  in  him  and  in 
connection  with  no  less  ancient  of  classic  plays  than  "Oedipus 
Rex"  (1873).     His  scorn  of  the  "worn-out  tune  of  a  tooth  for  a 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  106  f.,  72. 

2  Cf.:  V.  Z.  Aug.  24,  B  2  (1870);  W,  2,  VIII,  58  (1873),  189  ff.  (1888). 


141 

tooth,"  the  "  Klippklappspiel  von  Schuld  und  Siihne,"  as 
compared  with  Sophocles'  use  of  inexorable  law  and  the 
march  of  destiny  is  no  ordinary  recognition  of  the  majesty 
of  the  Greek  conception  of  fate.  It  is  also  the  response 
of  a  critic  ever  alert  for  greatness  and  truth  in  old  or  new, 
the  recognition  that  the  Greek  conception  was  based  upon 
the  effort  to  understand  the  eternal  mystery  of  suffering 
that  engulfs  the  innocent  with  the  guilty.  His  second  im- 
portant discussion  of  the  subject  occurs  (1878)  in  connection 
with  Lud wig's  "Erbforster."  Here  the  idea  of  guilt  as  a 
gradual  development  from  small  beginnings  through  the  play 
of  daily  circumstances  upon  temperament  seems  to  Fontane 
natural  and  true.  What  many  call  the  arbitrary  rule  of  chance 
in  this  drama  is  to  him  the  mysterious  working  together  of 
chance  details  toward  a  climax  that  brings  both  inevitable 
retribution  and  innocent  suffering  in  its  wake.^  He  writes  of 
"Das  Friedensf est "  (1890),  which  he  considers  a  true  repres- 
entation of  a  daily  occurrence,  that  the  situation  is  not  the 
result  of  crime  or  of  any  irretrievable  guilt  but  grows  out  of 
limitations  in  temperament,  stubbornness  and  lack  of  control.^ 
As  late  as  1895  he  expresses  admiration  for  the  gathering  of  the 
powers  of  destiny  (Heraufziehen  und  Einschlagen  der  Schick- 
salsmachte)   in  Ibsen's    "Little    Eyolf."  ^    It  is  not  unusual 

1  Fontane  writes:  "Was  unser  Leben  bestimmt,  sind  eben  'Zufallig- 
keiten/  Ereignisse,  deren  Gesetz  wir  nicht  klar  erkennen.  Aber  wir  ahnen 
das  Gesetz  und  fuhlen  in  dem  sich  anscheinend  zufallig  VoUziehenden  den 
Zusammenhang  mit  unserem  Tun  und  Lassen  heraus.  Nicht  immer,  aber 
oft.  Unser  Gutes  und  unser  Boses  sind  auch  hier  mittatig,  und  es  besteht 
ein  geheimnisvoUer  Zusammenhang  zwischen  unserer  Schuld  und  dem,  was 
wir  *  ungliicklichen  Zufall'  nennen.  Und  derartig  sind  die  Zufalligkeiten 
dieses  Stiickes!  Es  waltet  ein  Gesetz  darin,  dass  der  Erbforster,  als  er  den 
vermeintlichen  Morder  seines  Sohnes  zu  treffen  glaubt,  statt  seiner  die 
eigene  Tochter  trifift.  Und  von  'Zufall'  ist  von  dem  Augenblick  an  nicht 
mehr  zu  sprechen,  da  wir  alles,  was  er  bringt,  als  pradestiniert,  als  eine 
blosse  Frage  der  Zeit  empfinden."     (W,  2,  VIII,  149  f.) 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  311. 

'  W,  2,  XI,  335  (letter  of  Jan.  14  to  Otto  Brahm).  — His  reference 
here  is  to  the  end  of  Act  I.  The  exposition  of  Allmers'  selfish  devotion 
to  his  work  and  of  Rita's  jealous  passion  for  Allmers  is  followed  at  the 
end  of  Act  I  by  the  death  of  little  Eyolf,  as  by  Nemesis. 


142 

for  the  present  critics  of  the  German  naturalistic  tragedy  to 
point  out  the  similarity  in  respect  to  form  of  the  tragedy 
based  upon  Ibsen  to  the  Greek  tragedy  of  fate.  Dr.  Schlenther 
in  his  criticism  of  ** Ghosts"  (1887)  notes^  that  the  preliminary 
story  is  long  and  important,  that  the  drama  brings  the  gradual 
unfolding  of  completed  character  instead  of  progressive  char- 
acter development,  that  the  struggle  against  social  relations 
is  similar  to  the  struggle  against  fate  in  "Oedipus."  Fontane's 
criticism  of  ''Oedipus  Rex"  shows  a  quarter  of  a  century 
before  the  Ibsen  cult  began  the  conviction  that  the  inexplicable 
misery  of  human  life  is  a  basis  for  tragedy  superior  to  any 
finely  fabricated  tragic  problem  evolved  in  large  part  from 
the  brain  of  a  dramatist. 

It  is  further  worthy  of  note  that  except  in  the  case  of 
"Iphigenie"  Fontane  pays  to  the  greatest  classicists  of  his 
own  nation  no  higher  praise  than  that  called  forth  by  parts  of 
their  Storm-and-Stress  dramas  in  which  realism  is  a  prominent 
factor.  He  considers  Wallenstein  a  sentimentalist  and  a 
phrase-maker  in  spite  of  the  classic  purity  of  form  which  he 
recognizes  in  ''Die  Piccolomini."  ^  His  severest  thrusts  are 
aimed  at  the  false  pathos  of  Marquis  Posa,^  whom  he  terms  a 

^  Cf.  above,  p.  125,  n.  i.  The  novelty  of  Ibsen's  method  was  a 
subject  of  interest  at  this  time.  Dr.  Schlenther  expresses  the  wish  to 
defend  "Ghosts"  against  such  a  charge  as  Spielhagen  had  made  against 
"A  Doll's  House,"  namely,  that  in  essence  it  is  epic,  presenting  simply 
the  turning-point  of  a  well-conceived  novel. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  73  (1878);    V.  Z.  Apr.  26,  1881,  B  1. 

'  In  a  report  on  "Hamlet"  (V.  Z.  June  14,  1877)  Fontane  remarks 
that  the  interpretation  of  Hamlet  may  easily  become  "  Marquisposa- 
haft";  he  calls  Acosta  a  Jewish  Posa  (F.  Z.  Nov.  11,  1879,  B  2);  cf. 
also  W,  2,  VIII,  133  (1871),  217  (1871).  —  The  diversity  of  dates 
shows  here  that  Fontane's  feeling  in  regard  to  the  character  of  Posa  was 
no  mere  temporary  whim.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  due  in  part 
to  his  hatred  of  phrase  (cf.  above,  p.  135);  he  has  no  praise  for  the 
majesty  and  the  sonorous  richness  of  the  Schiller  language  and  on 
occasions  shows  lack  of  sympathy  with  it  (cf.  above,  p.  140);  he  men- 
tions a  thrill  of  joy  in  connection  with  "Die  Jungfrau  von  Orleans" 
(cf.  below,  p.  148),  but  this  is  due  to  the  romantic  beauty  he  finds  in 
it;  his  only  extreme  commendation  of  the  language  of  a  verse  drama  by 
Schiller  is  for  "Die  Piccolomini"  (cf.  above,  p.  136),  in  which  he  notes 
also  clearness  and  classic  form.    His  objection  to  Wallenstein  (cf.  above, 


143 

mere  abstraction,  classing  him  on  one  occasion  with  Uriel 
Acosta.  He  writes  on  the  other  hand  that  "Kabale  und 
Liebe"  never  loses  its  charm,  that  there  is  little  in  existence 
more  effective  on  the  stage  than  the  last  scene  of  Act  II,  that 
the  justly  celebrated  scenes  in  later  works  by  Schiller  such  as 
"Jungfrau"  or  ''Tell"  are  artistically  pale  (kunstvoll  ange- 
krankelt)  compared  with  this.^  His  extreme  praise  of  "Gotz 
von  Berlichingen''  ^  [^  called  forth  largely  by  the  fact  that  it 
is  a  faithful  reproduction  of  the  period  it  presents. 

In  spite  of  the  strong  appeal  that  realism  makes  to  Fontane, 
there  is  no  tendency  in  his  criticism  to  exalt  the  realistic 
except  in  so  far  as  it  serves  the  ends  of  art.  And  the  qual- 
ity of  life-likeness  is  not  in  itself  a  guaranty  of  art.  The 
marriage  of  Kuck  and  the  Countess  of  Thern  in  Lindau's 
"Diana"  is  to  Fontane  artistically  impossible  (1873),  although 
its  counterpart  may  be  found  in  life.^    The  introduction  of  the 

p.  119)  and  Posa  as  conceptions  are  similar  to  the  charge  made  against 
Ibsen  of  "phrases  of  feeling"  (cf.  above,  p.  126).  There  is  in  each  case 
the  imputation  of  lack  of  truth,  based  upon  false  understanding  of  or 
overwrought  use  of  instinctive  feeling.  Further  evidence  for  this  ulti- 
mate foundation  for  Fontane's  rejection  of  Wallenstein  and  Posa  lies  in 
the  fact  that  this  imputation  of  lack  of  truth  is  never  involved  in  that 
which  Fontane  accepts  or  commends  in  Schiller.  He  writes  to  Maxi- 
milian Ludwig  of  Karl  Moor,  a  character  that  in  his  opinion  cannot 
maintain  itself  without  some  empty  pathos:  "Das  Wesen  der  Dinge 
bleibt  dasselbe,  aber  die  Form  wechselt.  Im  letzten  empfinde  ich  (gerade 
ich)  genau  so  wie  Karl  Moor,  aber  alles,  was  er  sagt  und  tut,  erscheint 
mir  unsinnig  und  lacherlich.  Die  Form  von  damals  ist  nicht  mehr  die 
Form  von  heut.  .  .  .  Alles  geschwollen  und  aufgetrieben."  (W,  2,  X, 
385f.  —  May  3,  1878.)  He  writes  on  the  other  hand  that  "Tell"  and 
"Kabale  und  Liebe"  are  both  in  spite  of  improbabilities  true  to  the 
present  day  (cf.  above,  p.  134,  n.  i  —  1882;    W,  2,  VIII,  67  —  1884). 

^  V.  Z.  Mar.  20,  1879,  B  3.  —  The  special  scene  referred  to  is  that 
in  which  Ferdinand  threatens  his  father  with  exposure  unless  he  recalls 
the  command  for  Luise's  arrest.  —  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  here 
again  Fontane's  ranking  of  a  drama  has  close  connection  apparently  with 
his  estimate  of  the  language.  He  wrote  years  later:  "Diese  Miller- 
sprache,  die  ganz  modern  und  wie  Ibsen  in  der  hoheren  Potenz  wirkt" 
(F.  Z.  June  21,  1889,  Abendausgabe). 

2  V.  Z.  Apr.  22,  1884,  B  I. 

5  W,  2,  VIII,  236. 


144 

love  motive  in  ''Bataille  de  dames/'  before  Lucy  has  any 
indication  that  the  valet  is  a  mere  masquerader,  he  regards 
(1876)  as  so  inesthetic  a  means  of  involving  the  plot  that  the 
effect  of  the  flaw  is  not  removed  when  the  central  figure 
unmasks  later  as  Captain  Henry  of  Flavigneul.^  In  a  letter 
to  his  wife  (1883)  he  denounces  on  general  principles  the  use 
of  a  narrow,  empty,  ridiculous  conception  of  life  for  literary 
ends,  accurately  as  it  may  mirror  a  certain  stratum  of  society .^ 
Another  phase  of  this  conviction  that  art  requires  more  than 
the  realistically  commonplace  occurs  (1889)  in  his  defense  of 
EUida  in  "The  Lady  from  the  Sea."  He  considers  her  adapted 
to  artistic  ends  in  drama  not  only  on  the  ground  that  she 
represents  a  modern  temperamental  type,  but  because  she  is 
also  a  courageous,  noble  type.^ 

Fontane's  basis  for  acceptance  or  rejection  is,  furthermore, 
always  ultimately  the  same,  whether  it  has  to  do  with  material 
or  with  method,  with  the  fancied  or  the  real.  He  terms  it 
truth.  It  is  on  this  basis  that  he  accepts  the  problem  as 
found  in  '^Vor  Sonnenauf gang "  and  rejects  it  in  "Ghosts"; 
that  he  accepts  the  pathos  of  Melchthal  and  rejects  that  of 
Posa;  that  he  accepts  the  conception  of  Ellida  as  a  type  but 
rejects  the  method  by  which  Ibsen  brings  her  to  the  realiza- 
tion of  freedom.  What  he  accepts  is  based  upon  spontaneous 
impulse.  What  he  rejects  is  consciously  worked  out  on  the 
foundation  of  overwrought  sentiment.  The  truth  that  Fontane 
demands  in  art  seems,  therefore,  a  golden  mean  between  nat- 
ural instinct  and  proportion,  involving  both. 

This  idea  of  truth  gains  distinctness  if  we  consider  his  dis- 
cussion of  Bjornson's  "A  Gauntlet"  in  relation  to  that  of 
"Ghosts"  and  "The  Lady  from  the  Sea."  Fontane  prefers 
(Dec.  1889)  that  version'*  of  "A  Gauntlet"  which  eliminates 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  III  f.  —  Fontane  mentions  this  as  one  of  the  instances 
in  which  art  shows  sterner  laws  than  life. 

2  Cf.  W,  2,  VII,  64  f. 

5  W,  2,  VIII,  19s,  205. 

*  Fontane's  report  on  "A  Gauntlet"  appeared  V.  Z.  Dec.  16,  No. 
588,  Abendausgabe.  A  large  part  of  this  report  is  found  W,  2,  VIII, 
2132.  —  There  were  two  versions  of  this  drama  (cf.  Freie  Biihne,  IV 


145 

the  idea  of  a  final  union  between  the  lovers,  on  the  basis  that 
a  conciliatory  conclusion  would  involve  a  sacrifice  of  human 
truth  in  order  to  preserve  the  traditional  attitude  of  society. 
For  Svava  to  have  accepted  the  standard  of  society  would 
have  meant,  in  Fontanels  opinion,  for  her  to  make  a  con- 
cession to  her  own  integrity  by  relinquishing  the  integrity  of 
her  ideal.  He  even  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  she  wins  our 
sympathy  the  more  because  her  rejection  of  Alf  is  not  in  keep- 
ing with  the  usual  course  of  events.  It  may  be  the  first  im- 
pulse of  one  who  has  read  Fontane's  criticism  of  Ibsen  to 
charge  him  with  whimsicality  in  regard  to  matters  of  social 
reform.  There  is  in  reality,  however,  no  inconsistency  here. 
Fontane's  objection  to  both  "Ghosts"  and  "The  Lady  from 
the  Sea"  is  due  not  to  lack  of  sympathy  for  Ibsen's  sug- 
gested social  ideal  but  to  the  multiplication  of  details  or 
phases  through  which  he  so  emphasizes  his  theme  that  in  the 
end  the  whole  of  that  segment  of  life  that  he  has  chosen  to 
portray  seems  to  revolve  around  it,  with  the  resultant  im- 
pression of  fixed  combinations  and  corresponding  reactions. 
Fontane  writes  in  his  criticism  of  "The  Wild  Duck"  that  this 
drama  and  "Ghosts"  preach  the  same  doctrine:^ 

"Erst  wieder  reinen  Tisch;  das  andere  wird  sich  finden.  Und 
wenn  sich's  nicht  findet,  lieber  der  Hasslichkeit  ins  Gesicht  gestarrt 
als  der  Verzerrung,  lieber  der  Sunde  als  der  Gleisnerei." 

He  says  of  the  former,  however,  that  the  power  of  the  work 
lies  "in  its  genuineness  and  truth,"  that  "life  as  such  cele- 

Jahrgang,  276  ff.;  or  Nation  21.  12.  1889):  in  the  first,  Svava's  glove- 
scene  occurs  at  the  end  of  Act  II,  and  the  play  closes  after  a  third  act 
with  suggested  reconciliation  to  follow  a  time  of  probation;  in  the  second, 
the  glove-scene,  with  which  Act  III  closes,  makes  clear  an  irremediable 
breach  between  the  lovers.  It  is  for  the  latter  version  that  Fontane 
expresses  preference  in  his  criticism,  stating  also  that  this  was  not  the 
version  used  by  the  Free  Stage.  —  The  report  of  the  Freie  Buhne  shows 
that  the  two  versions  were  both  used  in  part  for  this  performance,  with 
the  consent  of  the  author;  the  character  of  Nordau  as  raisonneur  was 
omitted,  as  in  the  second  version,  but  the  solution  of  version  one  was 
retained. 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  189  f.  (Oct.  21,  1888). 


146 

brates  there  its  artistic  triumph."  In  ''Ghosts,"  on  the  con- 
trary, he  takes  exception  to  the  prominence  which  Ibsen  gives 
to  the  direct  visitation  of  the  sins  of  the  fathers  upon  their 
children,  without  regard  to  the  Biblical  reference  to  the  fourth 
generation.^  He  writes  that  the  best  of  us,  judged  according  to 
merit,  would  come  to  the  gallows,  that  as  an  epidemic  loses 
its  powers  suddenly  in  the  physical  world,  so  in  the  moral 
world  mercy  stays  destruction  and  wholesomeness  blossoms 
forth  where  disease  would  be  expected.  His  adverse  criticism 
of  Ibsen  in  "The  Lady  from  the  Sea"  is,  finally,  one  which 
expresses 2  at  the  same  time  all  that  Fontane  objects  to  in 
''Ghosts": 

"Konnte  er  sich  entschliessen,  es  mit  dem  Einfachsten,  Nattir- 
lichsten  und  Bewahrtesten,  statt  mit  etwas  Herausgekliigeltem, 
schliesslich  durchaus  Unwahrem  und  gewiss  auch  immer  unwahr 
Bleibendem,  weU  sich  nichts  im  Leben  auf  seiche  fix  und  fertigen 
Satze  zuriickfuhren  lasst  —  zu  versuchen,  so  hatten  wir  ein  grandioses 
Stiick  gehabt." 

"A  Gauntlet"  involves  no  such  cleverly  devised  question,  in- 
tended to  work  itself  out  as  by  set  magic  formula.  There  is 
here,  furthermore,  no  operating  with  double  motives,  as  in 
"The  Lady  from  the  Sea."  ^  The  problem  which  makes  the 
vital  substance  of  the  play  is  simple  and  real.  The  drama  it 
serves  is  enacted  before  a  background  faithful  to  daily  life. 
Svava's  inability  to  win  through  compromise  the  semblance 
of  what  she  had  but  believed  herself  to  have,  makes  even  her 
not  unreal,  but  unusual.  When  Fontane  writes  in  regard  to 
her  that  "any  strong  impulse  of  a  true  and  noble  heart  is  a 
truth  the  value  of  which  is  only  increased  by  its  deviation 
from  commonplace  reality,"  he  pleads,  therefore,  only  for  that 
foundation  for  art  for  which  the  lifelike  alone  is  on  occasions 
inadequate. 

Fontane  had  written  as  early  as  1872  that  art  must  be  more 
than  a  mere  copy,  that  it  must  add  depth  and  beauty  to 

1  Ibid. 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  204  (Mar.  21,  1889). 

3  Cf.  above,  p.  112. 


147 

existence.^  This  point  of  view  he  preserves  consistently 
throughout  his  course  as  critic.  He  sees  in  "Die  Familie 
Selicke"  (Apr.  1890)  a  phase  of  truth  never  attained  so  per- 
fectly in  the  drama  before.  He  writes  of  it  ^  that  it  observes 
and  reproduces  Berlin  life  with  such  accuracy  as  to  render  in- 
significant all  its  predecessors  in  this  line.  He  places  here,  ac- 
cordingly, rather  than  in  ''Vor  Sonnenauf gang "  or  Tolstoi's 
*' Power  of  Darkness,"  the  entrance,  so  to  speak,  upon  **  virgin 
soil,"  the  parting  of  old  and  new  in  dramatic  art.  Yet  he 
finds  the  succession  of  painful  scenes  a  transgression  of  the 
law  of  proportion.  He  would  not  bar  this  new  type  from 
the  stage,  but  makes  its  "right  to  naturalization"  dependent 
upon  the  addition  of  more  of  the  "mysterious  molding-power 
of  art." 

And  for  this  molding-power  he  points  to  a  union  of  the 
realistic  with  the  romantic.  Romanticism  ^  had  waved  its 
magic  wand  over  Fontane  in  his  youth  and  he  never  ceased  to 
feel  its  spell.    He  says*  of  himself  (1891): 

"Ich  bin  mit  Maria  Stuart  zu  Bett  gegangen  und  mit  Archibald 
Douglas  aufgestanden.  Das  romantisch  Phantastische  hat  mich  von 
Jugend  auf  entzuckt  und  bildet  meine  eigenste  siidfranzosische 
Natur.  .  .  ." 

Although  he  recognizes  Menzel  and  Turgenef  as  his  models* 
(Dec.  1885),  he  writes  ^  (August,  1885)  of  turning  back  at 
sixty-five  to  twenty-five  and  the  making  of  songs  and  bal- 

*  W,  2,  VIII,  210  f.  —  Fontane  made  the  statement  with  reference  to 
histrionic  art  in  a  report  on  Wichert's  "Ein  Schritt  vom  Wege." 

2  W,  2,  VIII,  313  S. 

^  The  term  Romanticism  refers  here  not  to  the  legacy  of  any  particular 
group  of  men  to  literature,  but  is  used  in  the  broader  sense  of  a  literary 
tendency.     Fontane  seldom  refers  to  the  so-called  Romantic  School. 

*  W,  2,  XI,  262  (letter  of  Apr.  15  to  Hans  Hertz).  Fontane  objects 
here  to  the  fact  that  one  of  the  Hart  brothers  has  put  him  in  a  fixed 
category,  apparently  with  no  consideration  of  his  poetic  tastes  and 
attainments. 

"  W,  2,  XI,  104  f.  (letter  to  Ludwig  Pietsch).  —  He  refers  evidently  to 
narrative  work. 

6  W,  2,  XI,  100  (letter  to  Emilia  Zollner). 


148 

lads.  He  writes  ^  (1889)  in  the  midst  of  his  enthusiasm  for 
what  he  calls  the  "new  realism"  that  the  romantic  remains 
his  favorite  type,  that  the  artistic  pleasure  which  he  owes  to 
the  realistic  school,  the  admiration  with  which  he  reads  Zola, 
Turgenef,  Tolstoi,  and  Ibsen,  vanish  before  the  thrill  (der 
erhabenen  Freude)  which  such  romantic  works  as  "  Chevy- 
Chase,"  Burger's  "Lenore,"  Goethe's  '^Erlkonig,"  Strachwitz's 
"Herz  von  Douglas,"  and  Schiller's  "Jungfrau  von  Orleans" 
afford  him.  Plans  for  a  romantic  novel  based  on  East  Frisian 
material  from  the  Middle  Ages  engage  him  ^  (1895)  just  after 
the  completion  of  works  in  which  his  power  in  realism  is  as 
evident  as  in  "Effi  Briest"  and  "Die  Poggenpuhls." 

But  in  addition  to  this  evident  fondness  for  the  romantic, 
Fontane  had  the  conviction  that  art  cannot  submit  to  the  re- 
strictions of  the  purely  realistic.  Only  the  semblance  of  reality 
can  speak  from  the  stage  in  any  case.^  The  most  perfect 
photographic  accuracy  cannot  make  this  semblance  real.  Art 
must,  therefore,  resort  to  the  ideal  to  give  the  impression  of 
completeness;  it  demands  also  humor  to  offset  sadness,  light 
to   contrast   with  shadow.*     Realism,  to  come  into  its   own, 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  435  f.  —  This  is  from  Fontane's  second  criticism  (V.  Z. 
Oct.  3,  No.  461)  of  Voss's  "Brigitta,"  which  his  first  criticism  (F.  Z. 
Oct.  2,  B  i;  cf.  W,  2,  VIII,  298  f.)  shows  to  be  an  example  of  what  he 
terms  the  'false  romantic,'  and  which  suffers  by  his  comparison  of  it  with 
''Ghosts." 

2  Various  letters  of  March  and  July  show  him  busy  in  gathering 
material  for  this  work  (W,  2,  XI,  344  f.,  349  f.,  352).  —  According  to 
Fontane's  diary,  "Effi  Briest"  was  accepted  by  Rodenberg  in  May, 
1894,  for  the  Deutsche  Rundschau;  "Die  Poggenpuhls"  was  sent  to  Pan- 
tenius  in  the  summer  of  1895. 

'  W,  2,  VIII,  no.  —  Fontane  writes  in  this  connection  in  defense  of 
"Der  Traum  ein  Leben"  (1884):  "ob  dieser  Schein  das  Wiederbild  von 
Leben  oder  Traum  ist,  ist  ziemlich  gleichgiiltig.  Nicht  die  Genesis  des 
'schonen  Scheins'  ist  das  entscheidende,  sondern  sein  Kolorit,  seine 
Leuchtkraft." 

^  W,  2,  VIII,  312.  —  Fontane  made  this  suggestion  in  connection  with 
"Das  Friedensfest,"  June,  1890,  and  had  expressed  it  previously  in  a 
letter  (cf.  p.  149,  n.  i).  When  he  commends  Ernst  v.  Wolzogen 
(Jan.  1 891)  for  this  opinion  expressed  in  "Humor  und  Naturalismus " 
(W,  2,  XI,  256  f.)  it  is  without  mention  of  the  fact  that  he  has  already 
offered  the  same  solution. 


149 

must  employ  beauty  as  well  as  ugliness.  This  the  romantic 
world  affords,  in  Fontane's  opinion,  through  its  inherent  con- 
nection with  poetry.  He  wrote  to  Friedrich  Stephany,  Octo- 
ber lo,  1889:^ 

"Der  Realismus  wird  ganz  falsch  aufgefasst,  wenn  man  von  ihm 
annimmt,  er  sei  mit  der  Hasslichkeit  ein  fiir  allemal  vermahlt.  Er 
wird  erst  ganz  echt  sein,  wenn  er  sich  umgekehrt  mit  der  Schonheit 
vermahlt  und  das  nebenherlaufende  Hassliche,  das  nun  mal  zum 
Leben  gehort,  verklart  hat.  Wie  und  wodurch?  Das  ist  seine  Sache, 
zu  finden.  Der  beste  Weg  ist  der  des  Humors.  Ubrigens  haben  wir 
in  Shakespeare  langst  die  VoUendung  des  Realismus.  Er  wird  nur 
in  seiner  Grosse  nicht  ausschliesslich  daraufhin  angesehn." 

He  had  written  in  a  criticism  of  October  i,  1889:^ 

"  Der  Realismus  schafft  nur  die  falsche  Romantik  aus  der  Welt,  die 
Romantik,  die  keine  ist.  Mit  den  mittelalterlichen  Stoffen,  zumal  mit 
dem  Rittertiimlichen  kann  die  Poesie  nie  aufraumen;  es  ist  eine 
Welt,  der  der  Stempel  des  Poetischen  von  vornherein  in  einem  be- 
sonders  hohen  Masse  aufgedruckt  ist.  Aber  dieser  Stempel  ist  ihnen 
nicht  so  unvertilgbar  tief  aufgedruckt,  dass  er  nicht  unter  prosaischen 
Handen  verloren  gehen  konnte.  .  .  .  Die  ledernsten  Menschen  ma- 
chen  sich  an  die  romantischen  Stoffe  ...  die  rechten  glaubigen 
Dichter  miissen  erst  wieder  dafur  erweckt  werden.  Dann  werden  sie 
auch  das  Publikum  zu  erwecken  imstande  sein.  Solange  die  Romantik 
aber  nur  ein  Geschaft  ist,  hat  sie  verspielt.  Sie  wird  wieder  siegen, 
wenn  sie  wieder  ein  lebendiges  Gefuhl  geworden  ist." 

Fontane's  plea  is  here,  as  elsewhere,  for  an  ever-vigorous 
and  comprehensive  art  that  preserves  the  best  in  the  old  as 
it  reaches  forth  to  the  new.  It  is  a  plea  for  the  union  of 
poetry  with  realism  for  the  attainment  in  art  of  that  phase  of 
truth  which  cannot  be  grasped  by  sense  alone.  He  can  there- 
fore consistently  question  (1875)  the  demand  of  August  Wil- 
helm  Schlegel  that  each  new  work  of  art  draw  the  curtain  from 
before  a  new  world,^  and  yet  (1889)  defend  the  Free  Stage  in 
its  choice  of  the  new,  with  the  assertions  ^  that  their  failures 
may  be  in  the  end  as  valuable  as  successes,  and  that  their 
motto  should  be  ''Dare  to  err." 

1  W,  2,  XI,  219.  3  w,  2,  vni,  238. 

2  cf.  above,  p.  148,  n.  i.  "  W,  2,  VHI,  438  f. 


CHAPTER    V 

CONCLUSION 

Final  Estimate  of  Fontane  as  Critic 

The  failure  to  recognize  Fontane  among  the  constructive 
forces  in  German  dramaturgy  is  due,  no  doubt,  in  part  to 
the  facts  that  he  never  allied  himself  with  any  movement; 
that  his  other  literary  activities  made  his  criticism  seem  at 
best  but  a  side  issue,  —  especially  since  he  was  not  officially 
connected  with  any  theater;  and  that  most  of  it  came  and 
went  with  the  days  of  the  calendar.  But  this  failure  is 
dependent  in  part  also  upon  his  method  and  style  in 
criticism. 

Both  were  necessarily  varied  on  account  of  the  variety  of 
material  on  which,  in  the  theater  reports  especially,  the  work 
was  based;  Fontane's  belief  that  it  was  absurd  to  treat  a 
play  seriously,  if  it  lacked  both  depth  of  insight  and  artistic 
form,  barred  a  large  number  of  the  productions  of  the  Royal 
Stage  from  becoming  anything  more  to  him  as  critic  than 
another  index  —  one  of  many  —  to  the  needs  of  German 
dramatic  art.  Furthermore,  the  inextricable  element  of  per- 
sonality must  always  impart  a  greater  variety  of  hues  —  less 
brilliant  though  they  be  —  to  obligatory  reports  than  to 
voluntary  criticism,  since  routine  assists  interest  in  dictating 
such  work  and  necessity  rather  than  impulse  prescribes  the 
time  for  expression.  The  fact  that  Fontane's  criticism  rests 
on  esthetic  sense  rather  than  dogma  is  also  not  without  a 
contribution  to  variety  in  point  of  attack.  As  a  result,  when 
spontaneous  feeling  triumphs  and  no  vital  esthetic  principle 
is  in  question,  there  is  a  reflection  of  that  saving  sense  of 
humor  or  that  delight  in  novelty  that  played  a  considerable 
part  in  relieving  his  career  of  routine;    when  his  mood  is 


151 

colorless  and  the  play  imparts  no  color  to  it,  his  message  is 
neutral  although  a  half-hearted  approbation  of  specific  de- 
tails may  be  involved;  on  the  other  hand,  when  his  esthetic 
sense  is  outraged,  he  may  employ  a  degree  of  sarcasm  quite 
proportionate  to  the  violation  of  principle  and  good  taste. 

A  conscious  element  works,  too,  in  conjunction  with  per- 
sonality, namely,  the  adaptation  of  style  to  the  needs  of  the 
daily  press  and  the  interest  of  the  reading  public.  There  is 
no  indication  that  Fontane  ever  renounced  the  journalistic 
principle  revealed  in  his  London  letters,  that  a  quiet,  contem- 
plative treatment  of  bald  facts  is  not  adapted  to  the  public 
at  large,  that  suggestion,  originality,  and  cleverness  are  neces- 
sary. He  wrote  to  his  wife  in  1857  concerning  the  short- 
comings of  Die  Zeit:^ 

"Die  Leute  sind  alle  auf  dem  Holzweg,  prinzipiell  in  dem  sie 
meinen,  cine  Zeitung  miisse  durch  ruhige,  besonnene  Darstellung 
wirken.  Das  ist  lacherlich;  so  schreibt  man  fur  Staatsmanner  aber 
nicht  fiir's  grosse  Publikum  resp.  den  Berliner  Budiker.  Ausserdem 
(ganz  abgesehen  von  dem  Prinzip,  nach  dem  man  redigirt)  fehlt  es 
iiberall  an  Geist,  Witz,  Gedanken,  so  dass  es  nicht  viel  besser  werden 
wiirde,  selbst  wenn  man  von  dem  Prinzip  *einfacher  Sachlichkeit ' 
abgehen  wollte." 

A  letter  of  1852  shows  the  same  journalistic  aim;  he  wrote 
that  he  would  be  satisfied  if  anyone  could  praise  his  articles 
a  little  for  esprit,  clearness,  and  cleverness  of  style. 

Especially  in  the  reports  on  the  Berlin  stage,  he  meets 
this  need  by  the  employment  of  jest  and  analogy.  Both, 
although  in  keeping  with  conviction,  are  doubtless  in  the 
main  the  natural  expression  of  a  rare  conversationalist.  He 
talks  to  his  readers  as  he  would  talk  to  a  circle  of  congenial 
friends.  The  impression  that  results  is  rarely,  therefore,  that 
of  studied  or  forced  cleverness,  although  Fontane  fails  to 
resort  to  the  means  noted  only  when  his  esthetic  sense  is  in 
perfect  accord  with  the  drama  in  hand,  and  although  they 
are  only  less  prominent  as  weapons  against  vulnerable  points 

^  L  —  London,  d.  18.  Marz,  57;  for  the  reference  to  1852  cf.  W,  2, 
VI,  24. 


152 

even  in  his  serious  criticism.  He  writes,  for  example,  of 
"Herodes  und  Mariamne"  that  one  has  at  the  end  a  sense  of 
having  passed  five  stations  of  martyrdom;  of  Dr.  Wangel 
in  "The  Lady  from  the  Sea"  that  he  should  be  set  in  gold; 
of  Ibsen's  treatment  of  the  motif  of  freedom  in  this  drama, 
"Ich  bin  auch  fiir  Freiheit,  und  die  Vossische  Zeitung  noch 
mehr;  aber  so  viel  werden  wir  beide  von  der  Freiheit  nicht 
erwarten.  Auch  die  Freiheit,  wie  alles  im  Leben,  kocht 
schliesslich  nur  mit  Wasser";  of  EUida's  impulse  to  follow 
the  Northman  when  he  reminds  her  of  her  oath,  that  any 
Berlin  woman  would  in  a  like  situation  have  bethought 
herself  of  the  police.^ 

His  use  of  analogy  amounts  frequently  to  little  more  than 
a  figure  of  speech:  he  writes,  for  example,  of  Frl.  Kiissner's 
Luise  that  she  wraps  all  her  words  in  crape;  of  Beck's  Karl 
Moor,  that  he  handles  his  bandits  like  a  debating-club;  of 
Matkowsky's  acting,  that  it  suggests  the  thunderstorm  and 
the  song  of  the  nightingale,  Icelandic  berserkers  and  jas- 
mine-arbor sentimentality .2  Frequently,  too,  he  suggests  the 
analysis  of  a  character  or  the  description  of  its  interpretation 
by  an  actor  through  detailed  reference  to  well-known  locali- 
ties or  social  types;  the  provincial  and  class  eccentricities  of 
North  Germany  were  particularly  familiar  to  him,  and  he 
makes  the  most  of  them  in  his  criticism.  Again,  he  employs 
anecdote  to  drive  his  point  home. 

Fontane  himself  admits  the  use  of  analogy  to  a  degree 
that  might  lay  him  open  to  the  charge  of  mannerism,  but 
justifies  it  by  the  desire  to  say  something  different  from  the 
stereotyped  criticism  and  at  the  same  time  give  vividness  to 
his  work.     He  adds:^ 

"Nur  so,  behaupt'  ich,  vermag  ich  dem  Leser  ein  leidlich  anschau- 
liches  Bild  davon  zu  geben,  wie  die  gestrige  Jungfrau  von  Orleans 
oder  der  gestrige  Bolingbroke  wirklich  war.  'Der  Bolingbroke  des 
Herrn  X.  Hess  die  hofmannische  Haltung  vermissen,'  sagt  gar  nichts; 
wenn  ich  aber  nach  einem  lebhaft  und  richtig  empfangenen  Eindruck 

^  Cf.  for  this  paragraph  W,  2,  VIII,  151,  192  ff. 

2  Qf^  foj.  tjjis  paragraph  W,  2,  VIII,  65,  59,  63. 

3  W,  2,  VIII,  386  f.  (1881). 


153 

aus  voller  Uberzeugung  niederschreibe:  'Sein  Bolingbroke  hatte  die 
Haltung  eines  Landrats  aus  dem  Neu-Vorpommerschen'  oder:  'eines 
Rittmeisters  vom  Kiirassierregiment  Kaiser  Nikolaus  von  Russland/ 
so  sag'  ich  damit  etwas  Anschauliches  und  setze  den  Leser  auf  einen 
Schlag  in  die  Moglichkeit  zu  wissen,  was  der  gestrige  Gast  vom 
Bolingbroke  hatte  und  was  nicht." 

There  is  also  a  clear  expression  of  conviction  from  him  in 
regard  to  jest,  the  employment  of  which  he  considers  ad- 
vantageous to  criticism,  provided  it  is  clear  that  an  honest 
and  honorable  opinion  underlies  it.^ 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  as  he  himself  evidently  be- 
lieved, this  method  and  style  give  his  work  originality  and 
piquancy  and  remove  it  from  the  pale  of  the  dogmatic.  They 
tend  also,  on  the  other  hand,  to  a  treatment  that  is  at  times 
unduly  chatty  and  diffuse.  For  the  casual,  more  or  less 
disinterested  daily  reader,  they  probably  often  furnished 
amusement  primarily,  perhaps  even  at  the  expense  of  any 
serious  thought  as  to  the  principle  beneath  analogy  or  anec- 
dote. Consequently,  like  romantic  irony  in  its  tendency 
toward  negation,  this  method  introduces  into  Fontane's  criti- 
cism at  times  an  element  of  self-destruction  that  retards 
conviction. 

But  the  theater  reports  are  not  without  other  weaknesses 
that  must  naturally  have  detracted  from  a  general  apprecia- 
tion of  their  full  value  even  by  those  who  approached  them 
with  entire  confidence  in  the  critic's  ability.  There  is  occa- 
sionally a  disturbing  lack  of  definiteness  or  an  apparent  con- 
tradiction due  either  to  an  indistinct  use  of  term  or  to  a 
hasty  generalization.  A  single  instance  will  in  each  case 
suffice  to  illustrate  the  point  in  hand.  In  spite  of  the  honest 
admission  that  Wilhelmine  von  Hillern's  ''Geierwally"  as 
arranged  for  the  stage  approaches  at  times  dangerously  near 
the  ludicrous,  Fontane  commends  the  sense  of  fitness  shown 
in  both  character  portrayal  and  situation,  failing,  however, 

*  W,  2,  X,  335  (letter  of  Sept.  13,  1874,  to  Ludwig  Pietsch;  Fontane 
was  justifying  here  a  criticism  of  Alma  Tadema  which  he  had  written 
for  the  press  as  substitute  for  Pietsch;  cf.  above,  p.  17,  n.  3,  and 
p.  22. 


154 

to  give  a  very  illuminating  definition  of  the  exact  saving 
grace  of  this  play.     He  writes:  ^ 

"In  diesem  Schauspiele  der  Frau  v.  Hillern  haben  wir  richtige 
Menschen,  die  das  Richtige  sagen  und  das  Richtige  tun  und  dies 
Richtige  tun  zu  richtiger  Zeit  und  am  richtigen  Ort.  Und  so  kommt 
es  denn,  dass  wir  alles  mit  zu  durchleben  glauben  und  in  jene  Mit- 
leidenschaft  gezogen  werden,  die  sich  nur  da  einstellt,  wo  statt  der 
Engebildetheiten  von  Leid  und  Lust  ihre  Wirklichkeiten  an  uns 
herantreten.  Diese  Richtigkeit  (Korrektheit  ist  etwas  anderes  und 
Echtheit  auch  und  Wahrheit  auch)  ist  der  gute  Engel,  der  neben 
dem  bestandig  am  Abgrunde  hinschreitenden  Stuck  einhergeht." 

"The  critic  doth  protest  too  much,  methinks,"  —  an  unfor- 
tunate impression  in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  Fontane 
evidently  admired  the  play.^  Later,  comparing  it  with 
Wildenbruch's  "Harold"  to  the  detriment  of  the  latter,  he 
writes  that  it  will  disappear  not  on  account  of  its  mistakes, 
but  because  it  belongs  by  virtue  of  its  material  to  a  lower 
art-realm,  because  only  kings  and  great  destinies  have  the 
right  to  engage  our  interest  permanently.^  Extreme  illustra- 
tions of  the  weakness  in  question  have  been  chosen  with 
purpose;  the  first  has  to  do  with  no  less  important  a  word 
in  Fontanels  criticism  than  truth;  the  second  seems  to 
involve  the  statement  of  an  absolute  tenet  opposed  to  the 
whole  spirit  of  his  work,  to  his  interest  in  the  human  being 
per  se  without  respect  to  station.  Considered  in  the  light  of 
his  general  criticism,  what  is  apparently  a  statement  of 
principle  can  mean  only  this,  that  public  taste  prefers  char- 
acters of  high  rank,  such  as  are  found  in  "Harold." 

There  are  also  rare  instances  in  Fontane's  criticism  of 
something  suggesting  personal  bias.  The  most  marked  of 
these  are  his  dislike  of  the  pathetic  hero,  which  appears  in 

1  W,  2,  VIII,  227  f.  (Oct.  i88i). 

2  This  is  one  of  the  very  rare  instances  in  which  his  diary  entry,  if  it 
involved  more  than  mere  mention,  does  not  suggest  the  point  of  de- 
parture for  the  published  criticism.  He  writes:  "trotz  manchem,  was 
sich  dagegen  sagen  lassen  mag,  ein  brillantes  Stiick  Arbeit,  voU  dra- 
matischem    Leben"    {D  —  under    the  heading:     "Sommer  und    Herbst, 

i88i"). 

3  V.  Z.  Apr.  23,  1882,  B  I  (additional  to  W,  2,  VIII,  254  fif.). 


155 

his  treatment  of  Marquis  Posa,  Uriel  Acosta,  and  Wallen- 
stein;  his  sensitiveness  to  a  disregard  in  art  for  the  dignity 
of  European  class  distinction,  illustrated  best  by  his  adverse 
criticism  of  Scribe's  methods  in  ^'Bataille  de  dames"  and 
**Les  doigts  de  fee";  his  objection  to  Ibsen's  treatment  of  the 
ideal  marriage,  which  may  account  for  the  term  "Quatsch- 
lise"  with  which  he  honors  Nora.  It  must  be  granted, 
however,  that  Fontane  is  not  without  estimable  company 
in  any  of  these  positions  and  that,  in  his  case,  the  objection 
to  type  or  motif  always  occurs  in  defense  of  one  or  more 
stable  art  principles,  prominent  in  his  critical  work.^ 

Although  the  last  two  instances  argue  a  kind  of  conserva- 
tism in  matters  of  established  institutions  often  shown  by 
Fontane  and  a  point  of  view  in  itself  at  variance  with  his 
enthusiasm  for  novelty,  his  position  amounts  in  the  end  to 
nothing  more  unreasonable  than  a  preference  of  evolution 
to  revolution;  in  his  criticism  of  Scribe ^  he  defends  himself 
against  the  possible  charge  of  letting  class  prejudice  influence 
his  opinion  as  follows: 

"Ich  gehore  nicht  zu  denen,  die  die  Menschheit  erst  vom  Baron 
an  auf warts  zu  rechnen  beginnen;  ich  habe  mitunter  ein  leises  Vor- 
gefiihl  davon,  als  wiirde  ich  meine  Tage  nicht  hier,  sondern  in  Gegen- 
den  beschliessen,  wo  es  keine  Herzoge  und  keine  Grafen  gibt,  und  ich 
glaube  dabei  des  einen  sicher  zu  sein,  dass  die  Feudalpyramide  mit 
zu  dam  Letzten  gehoren  wiirde,  was  ich  da  driiben  wirklich  ent- 
behren  wiirde.  .  .  .  es  kommt  nur  darauf  an,  ob  diese  Dinge  in 
einem  Einzelfall  als  einfache,  nichts  bedeuten  wollende  Tatsache  an 
uns  herantreten,  oder  ob  sie  mit  einem  *Geht  hin  und  tut  des- 
gleichen,*  will  also  sagen:  als  ein  neues  Zeitevangelium  prinzipiell 
und  gesinnungstuchtig  von  der  Biihne  her  zu  uns  sprechen.  Hier  in 
der  alten  Welt,  wie  die  Dinge  nun  mal  liegen,  ist  dies  alles  einfach 
Umsturz.  .  .  .  Die  Torheit,  die  Inkonsequenz,  vor  allem  die  Kurz- 
sichtigkeit,  die  sind  es,  die  mich  verdriessen.  ..." 

^  This  reference  to  Nora  occurs  in  the  letter  to  Stephany,  in  which 
Fontane  pronounced  Hauptmann  a  greater  poet  than  Ibsen  because 
more  true  (Mar.  1898);    cf.  above,  p.  127,  n.  i. 

2  Fontane  charges  Scribe  (W,  2,  VIII,  112  ff.)  with  preaching  in 
"Les  doigts  de  f6e"  a  new  popular  gospel,  with  courting  public  favor  by- 
making  a  disinherited  countess  play  the  role  of  modiste  so  successfully 
that  her  needle  delivers  her  enemies  into  her  hands. 


156 

He  does  not  enlarge  upon  his  dislike  for  Nora  beyond  the 
single  word  ''untrue,"  but  he  had  written  to  Guido  Weiss 
almost  a  decade  before  concerning  lack  of  maturity  in  the 
Ibsen  criticism  of  Schlenther  and  Brahm: 

"Ich  bin  auch  scharf  Ibsenianer,  aber  Ibsenianer  mit  siebzig,  die 
andern  mit  fiinfunddreissig  und  —  unverheiratet.  Daher  das  Ein- 
gehen  auf  den  Ibsenschen  Eheblodsinn." 

The  severe  though  brief  denunciation  of  Nora  naturally  sug- 
gests also  this  basis  for  objection,  especially  since  his  last 
published  reference  to  Ibsen  suggests  unreality,  improba- 
bility: ^ 

"Gegen  Nora  bin  ich  sehr,  auch  gegen  andere  Ibsengestalten, 
aber  fiir  einen  Bekehrten  durfen  sie  mich  doch  nicht  halten.  Ich  bin 
Ibsen  gegeniiber  fast  ganz  unverandert  geblieben.  In  vorderster 
Reihe  stehen  doch  Bewunderung  und  Dank,  denn  er  ist  ein  grosser 
Reformator  unseres  Biihnenwesens  gewesen.  Er  hat  neue  Gestalten 
und  vor  allem  eine  neue  Sprache  geschaffen.  Dass  unter  den  Gestal- 
ten viele  aus  der  Retorte  sind,  darf  man  ihm  nicht  so  ubelnehmen. 
Dafur  war  er  —  Apotheker." 

It  would  be  in  keeping  with  the  general  spirit  of  Fontanels 
criticism  of  Ibsen  for  him  to  reject  as  ''doctrinaire"  the  pos- 
sibility that  a  Nora,  newly  awakened  to  her  dignity  as  a 
human  entity,  could  even  consider  in  a  moment  of  sanity  a 
permanent  separation  from  her  children;  action  on  the  basis 
of  mere  sentimental  devotion  to  principle  was  to  Fontane 
the  essence  of  human  untruth,  therefore  of  unreality.  His 
conservatism  cannot  be  separated  here  then  —  nor  can  it 
ever  be  separated  entirely  —  from  that  pivotal  regard  for 
proportion  that  regulated  all  his  tenets,  that  served  to  se- 
cure a  balance  for  him  between  antagonistic  forces  in  criticism 
and  in  life. 

There  is,  furthermore,  in  the  theater  reports  a  tendency  to 
extreme  statement  which,  though  attributable  clearly  to  the 
spell  of  momentary  enthusiasm  that  affects  to  a  certain 
degree  all  occasional  criticism,  makes  it  necessary  to  consider 

1  W,  2,  XI,  207  (1889,  to  Guido  Weiss);  465  (May  17,  1898,  to  F. 
Stephany). 


157 

single  reports  in  relation  to  the  whole  in  order  to  reach  a 
complete  understanding  of  the  critic's  point  of  view.  The 
published  criticisms  of  Ibsen  and  Hauptmann,  which  furnish 
the  most  important  example  here,  are  somewhat  confusing 
at  the  first  consecutive  reading  by  virtue  of  the  superlatives 
doled  out  to  both  dramatists.  Criticisms  that  are  unques- 
tionably unusual  in  point  of  departure  and  in  the  weighing 
of  subtle  esthetic  values  are  thus  weakened  by  the  necessity 
for  making  additions  and  subtractions,  slight  though  they  be, 
in  order  to  render  the  series  entirely  consistent.  That  Fon- 
tane  was  himself  aware  of  this  quality  in  his  work  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  he  wrote  to  Stephany  with  reference  to  a 
proposed  criticism  of  "Vor  Sonnenaufgang "  :  ^ 

"  Ja,  ich  bin  auch  sehr  von  ihm  (Hauptmann)  eingenommen,  werde 
mich  aber  sehr  manierlich  ausdriicken  und  alien  Radau  vermeiden, 
was  ich  auch  kann,  ja  muss,  well  ich  durchaus  nicht  so  stehe,  dass 
ich  wunschen  konnte,  die  nachste  Generation  mit  lauter  Gerhart 
Hauptmannschen  Schnapstragodien  oder  dem  Ahnlichen  begluckt  zu 
sehen." 

There  is  a  certain  naivete  in  this  expression  of  intention,  a 
quality  which  makes  in  all  of  Fontane's  work  one  of  a  num- 
ber of  elements  that  are  paradoxical  ^  without  being  in- 
comprehensible; it  is  less  prominent  here  than  in  the  not 
infrequent  attempts,  requiring  a  stretching  of  the  point  in 
question,  to  make  courteous  amends  within  the  bounds  of 
honesty  for  previous  impatient  or  extreme  adverse  criticism 
of  mediocre  art. 

But  neither  the  possible  rare  indications  of  bias  on  the  one 
hand  nor  the  inconsistent  expressions  of  enthusiasm  on  the 
other   partake   of   the   nature   of   personal   prejudice.     From 

1  W,   2,  XI,  219  (1889). 

2  Fontane's  personality  is  strikingly  one  of  reconciled  opposites:  en- 
thusiasm for  democratic  ideals  is  o£Fset  by  a  distinct  romantic,  almost 
childlike  interest  in  types  representative  of  the  Prussian  landed  gentry 
and  the  nobility;  the  firm  belief  in  the  right  of  the  individual  to  self- 
expression  is  offset  by  deep  reverence  for  inviolable  universal  law;  what 
amounts  here  as  elsewhere  to  an  admission  of  shortcoming  is  counter- 
balanced by  repeated  expressions  of  self-confidence,  the  latter  indeed  so 
naive  or  so  softened  by  a  lovable  personality  as  to  be  entirely  inoffensive. 


158 

this  Fontane  is,  true  to  his  theory,  extraordinarily  free.  Had 
he  been  inclined  to  such  expressions  of  personal  feeling  as 
are  the  pitfall  of  many  critics,  both  his  well-defined  habit  of 
keeping  an  objective  point  of  view  and  his  high  regard  for 
the  critic's  function  would  have  militated  against  them. 
But  he  was  not  given  to  consuming  dislikes  and  he  never 
attempts,  therefore,  to  use  criticism  as  a  means  of  making 
propaganda  for  anything  except  a  truer,  more  stable  art. 
The  most  interesting  indication  in  all  his  work  of  an  at- 
tempt at  retaliation  is  but  a  harmless  parry,  likely  to  do 
more  injury  on  the  rebound  to  Fontane's  judgment  than  in 
the  first  instance  to  the  object  of  the  aim,  and  so  far  sepa- 
rated in  time  from  the  cause  of  irritation  that  it  can  be 
regarded  at  most  only  as  a  naive  thrust  for  personal  satis- 
faction with  no  thought  of  enduring  harm.  After  surpassing 
all  his  colleagues  in  commendation  of  Paul  Heyse's  "Die 
Weisheit  Salomos"  he  weakens  his  whole  argument  for  the 
drama  by  adding  that  among  modern  productions  Richard 
Voss's  *'Der  Mohr  des  Zaren"  is  most  similar  to  it.  His  subse- 
quent admission  in  the  same  report  that  Voss's  play  is  im- 
possible as  a  play,  that  the  two  works  are  related  only  in 
treatment  of  historical  background,  is  evidence  that  Voss's 
free  use  of  fact  could  in  Fontane's  own  opinion  have  no  real 
weight  here  in  support  of  the  principle  in  question  —  the 
vindication  of  such  license  for  the  sake  of  distinct  gain  in 
poetic  truth.  Fontane  was  not  averse  to  padding  to  some 
extent  reports  in  which  he  had  nothing  really  vital  to  say. 
Here,  however,  the  tone  and  argument  show  both  interest 
and  sincere  admiration.  It  seems  probable  that,  enticed  by 
the  actual  similarity  of  purpose  evident  in  the  two  works 
mentioned,  Fontane  introduced  the  second  in  secret  enjoy- 
ment of  the  thought  of  Heyse's  discomfiture  at  sight  of  the 
name  of  Voss  in  print  in  juxtaposition  with  his  own.  Fon- 
tane knew  that,  low  as  he  himself  rated  Voss  as  a  dramatist, 
Heyse  rated  him  still  lower,^  and  he  knew  also  only  too  well 
Heyse's  self-satisfaction. 

*  In  justice  to  Fontane  it  must  be  said  that  he  criticized  "Der  Mohr 
des  Zaren"  more  favorably  than  any  of  Voss's  other  plays.    He  wrote  of 


159 

On  the  whole,  indeed,  whatever  weaknesses  Fontanels 
criticism  shows  are  more  than  counterbalanced  by  frankness, 
breadth  of  view,  objectivity  of  verdict,  humor,  and  the 
charm  of  personality.  In  the  strong  points  of  his  work  he 
was  invulnerable  to  the  adverse  conditions  that  confronted 
him  as  critic.  The  weaknesses  in  his  critical  style  he  fell 
into  through  the  fact  that  the  stage  failed  on  many  occa- 
sions to  inspire  the  causeur  to  genuine  criticism.  He  once 
wrote  to  his  wife,  evidently  in  reply  to  the  charge  of  dif- 
fuseness,  that  this  was  connected  with  his  literary  virtues, 
that  he  treated  the  small  with  the  same  fondness  as  the 
great  because  he  did  not  draw  the  customary  lines  of  difference 
between  small  and  great,  that  he  was  brief,  however,  when 
the  great  was  in  question  since  the  great  needed  no  artistic 
treatment  in  order  to  be  effective.^  Especially  the  last  part 
of  this  statement,  made  with  reference  to  narrative  work, 
could  not  be  applied  generally  to  Fontane's  theater  reports; 
Schiller  and  Goethe  are,  to  be  sure,  both  passed  over  with 

it  after  the  premiere  that  it  fulfils  technically  various  requirements  of  a 
good  play  in  that  its  purpose  is  sympathetic,  its  characters  keep  within 
the  bounds  of  probability,  it  avoids  absurdity  and  caprice,  and  is  enter- 
taining. In  regard  to  the  fact  that  the  historic  setting,  deftly  chosen,  is 
incorrectly  treated,  he  writes  consistently  with  his  position  toward  Heyse 
later:  "Aus  dieser  historischen  Uncorrektheit  aber  dem  Stuck  einen 
Vorwurf  machen  zu  woUen,  scheint  mir  nicht  statthaft.  Das  Colorit  ist 
richtig,  und  Ort  und  Zeit  dienen  durchaus  der  Aufgabe,  die  der  Dichter 
sich  stellte"  (F.  Z.  Apr.  s,  1884).  For  other  criticisms  of  Voss,  cf.  W,  2, 
VIII,  294  ff.  —  Fontane's  criticism  of  "Die  Weisheit  Salomos"  was  written 
after  the  first  performance  of  this  play  (1888;  cf.  above,  pp.  129). 
There  is  among  Fontane's  posthumous  papers  an  account  of  a  call  from 
Heyse  ("Paul  Heyse  —  Besuch  bei  mir.  2.  Marz.  1883")  soon  after 
Fontane's  enthusiastic  report  on  "Die  Rantzau"  (Feb  1883;  cf.  above, 
pp.  114),  in  the  course  of  which  Heyse  berated  this  play  and  Voss  (an 
acquaintance  of  both  and  a  member  of  Riitli  at  this  time),  and  gave 
various  additional  evidences  of  a  sense  of  the  superiority  of  himself  and 
Munich  to  the  rest  of  the  German  art-world.  The  visit  seemed  to  leave 
a  bad  taste,  so  to  speak,  and  Fontane  evidently  dashed  off  the  report  of 
it  in  a  spirit  of  irritation.  He  did  not  have  the  squib  printed,  however, 
and  it  was  withheld  from  the  public  by  his  heirs  until  after  Heyse's  death 
(1914). 

1  W,  2,  VII,  71  f.  (Aug.  1883). 


160 

comparatively  slight  analysis  of  either  literary  or  dramatic 
art,  partly  on  this  account  perhaps,  largely  because  their 
dramas  were  widely  known  and  often  poorly  given;  yet 
Fontanels  best  style  is  found,  naturally,  as  are  his  most 
valuable  opinions,  in  his  treatment  of  real  masterpieces. 
The  statement  is,  nevertheless,  not  without  probable  bearing 
upon  his  criticism.  At  any  rate,  much  that  is  dramatically 
of  comparatively  little  import  is  treated  with  a  fondness  not 
common  among  critics  of  insight,  a  fact  due  not  to  failure  to 
draw  an  artistic  distinction  between  small  and  great,  but  to 
the  ability  to  find  seeds  of  promise  in  the  small  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  great.  The  seriousness,  depth,  and  esthetic 
value  of  Fontane's  criticism  of  real  art  have  been  amply 
treated.  It  remains  to  say  what  is  practically  self-evident 
from  various  excerpts,  that  his  best  work  shows  also  a  sty- 
listic individuality  and  power  unusual  in  obligatory  occasional 
criticism,  —  clearness,  directness,  striking  comparisons  or 
contrasts,  onomatopoetic  word-groups  —  often  groups  of 
three  —  not  infrequent  effective  brevity,  above  all  that 
union  of  vividness  and  suggestion  in  poetic  description  or 
analysis  that  imparts  to  the  reader  something  of  the  critic's 
own  esthetic  insight  and  a  new  or  keener  appreciation  of 
whatever  beauty  was  felt  before. 

Detailed  comparison  of  Fontane  with  any  other  critic  is 
not  the  function  of  this  study.  Even  for  the  sake  of  ten- 
tative ranking  it  has  little  purpose,  since  the  peculiar  char- 
acter of  his  work  and  the  fact  that  he  was  neither  professional 
critic  nor  officially  connected  with  any  stage  makes  it  impos- 
sible to  put  him  in  any  ready-made  category.  It  is  note- 
worthy, however,  that  he  has  some  points  in  common  with 
several  of  Germany's  most  celebrated  critics  and  that  he  is, 
in  certain  respects,  even  superior  to  these  well-known  con- 
tributors to  universal  criticism  of  the  drama  and  the  stage. 

His  criticism  shows  in  common  with  that  of  Lessing  the 
attempt  to  bring  about  unity  between  principle  and  stage 
conditions  with  progress  toward  the  illusion  of  realism,  and 
a  strong  underlying  desire  for  the  general  elevation  of  Ger- 


161 

man  dramatic  art.  There  is  in  the  work  of  both  the  con- 
viction of  the  innate  independence  of  art,  its  privilege  to  use 
purpose,  historical  fact,  and  even  daily  life  in  its  own  way. 
Fontane  is  inspired,  like  Lessing,  by  the  desire  for  truth;  but 
Lessing's  enthusiasm  for  truth  is  that  of  the  restless  searcher 
to  whom  the  search  itself  is  exhilarating.  Fontane,  equally 
ardent  in  steadfastness  to  an  ideal,  equally  tireless  but  less 
intense,  finds  kernels  of  truth  along  the  way;  his  use  of  those 
norms  of  naturalness  and  reality,  related  to  truth,  approaches 
everywhere  closer  by  far  to  the  nerve  of  actual  life.  Fon- 
tane has,  like  Lessing,  the  conviction  that  art  must  be 
national;  but  Lessing's  patriotic  message  is  that  of  the 
pathfinder  and  conscious  reformer,  Fontane's  that  of  the 
beautifier  whose  strong  desire  for  the  unattained  in  art  makes 
him  so  insistent  that  he  is  half  unconsciously  a  reformer. 
Lessing  does  not  disregard  detail,  but  his  work  is  in  the 
main  that  of  bold,  telling  strokes,  whether  for  destruction  or 
construction;  Fontane  is  less  a  creator  than  an  adapter;  he 
has  less  to  do  with  scaffolding;  his  work  deals  necessarily 
in  large  measure  with  details  of  artistic  completeness.  Les- 
sing's message,  although  humorous  in  flashes,  is  polemical, 
and  not  wholly  free  from  withering  taunts  and  personal  ani- 
mosity; Fontane's,  although  touched  at  all  points  by  the 
playing  flame  of  personality,  is  mellow  with  a  harmonious 
philosophy  of  life  that  removes  the  sting  from  his  humor. 

August  Wilhelm  Schlegel's  criticism  of  drama  is  naturally 
far  removed  from  Fontane's  in  general  character  by  the 
radical  difference  in  conditions  attending  it.  Schlegel's  pur- 
pose was  scholarly  literary  criticism  and  his  work  was  without 
immediate  practical  connection  with  the  stage.  He  ap- 
proaches his  subject,  therefore,  frequently  —  as  does  Lessing 
—  through  definition  of  term  or  function,  through  compari- 
son with  an  earlier  critical  theory  or  an  earlier  literary  phe- 
nomenon, —  methods  rare  in  Fontane's  work  and  never 
pursued  in  detail.  In  certain  points,  however,  his  statement 
of  principle  approaches  more  closely  the  spirit  of  Fontane's 
work  than  the  spirit  of  Lessing's;  he  opposes  Aristotle's 
dissection    of    beauty,    advocating    the    Platonic    method    of 


162 

acquiring  a  conception  of  the  beautiful  by  intuitive  inspira- 
tion; he  objects  to  the  French  conception  of  unity  as  based 
upon  understanding  rather  than  feeling;  he  is  of  the  opinion 
that  Moliere  exceeds  the  bounds  of  propriety  in  his  treatment 
of  morality,  that  comedy  should  instruct  incidentally,  that 
tragedy  should  at  least  indicate  clearly  an  ultimate  balance 
between  great  universal  conflicting  forces.  There  is  in  these 
expressions  of  conviction  a  distinct  foreshadowing  of  Fon- 
tanels point  of  departure  in  criticism.  The  heritage  is  un- 
conscious, for  no  question  of  borrowing  arises  in  connection 
with  Fontane's  work;  as  if  by  virtue  of  his  innate  sympathy 
with  the  romantic  reverence  for  beauty,  he  becomes  the 
clearer  mouthpiece  for  the  earlier  suggested  treatment  of  the 
intuitive  expression  of  beauty;  Schlegel's  principles,  couched 
in  elevated  language,  are  the  scholarly  conclusions  based  on 
research  and  reflection;  Fontane's  varied  reports,  often  far 
less  elegant,  have  the  irresistible  animus  that  comes  from  a 
live  esthetic  sense  busy  with  practical  art  problems. 

In  many  respects  Fontane's  criticism  bears  even  closer  re- 
lation to  that  of  Tieck.  Fontane  is,  like  Tieck,  an  observer 
of  art  rather  than  a  philosopher.  Both  attempt  to  grasp 
art  laws  by  feeling  and  enthusiasm  rather  than  by  theory. 
The  highest  test  of  dramatic  values  for  both  is  artistic  illu- 
sion in  which  reason  and  fancy  are  perfectly  balanced  be- 
cause both  are  satisfied.  Although  Tieck  was  not,  like 
Fontane,  consistently  independent  throughout  his  career  of 
tendency  or  school,  both  were  alike  in  enthusiasm  for  the 
realistic  as  well  as  the  romantic;  alike,  therefore,  ultimately 
in  the  tenacity  with  which  they  clung  to  artistic  freedom. 
Finally  Tieck,  as  critical  manager,  showed  a  sympathy  for  the 
ephemeral  and  for  the  moderately  successful  play,  especially 
if  it  caught  anything  of  the  genuine  spirit  of  the  people, 
similar  to  the  tolerance  that  Fontane  showed  as  critic. 

Fontane  had  in  common  with  all  three  an  extreme  admira- 
tion for  Shakspere  as  the  master  who  united  most  elements 
to  be  desired  for  German  dramatic  art.  He  was  superior  to 
all  three  in  that  understanding  of  life  that  comes  through 
insight,  practical  contact,  and  sympathy.     As  a  result  of  the 


163 

union  of  extreme  sensitiveness  to  beauty  and  the  recognition 
of  a  transitory  element  in  all  conceivable  limitations,  whether 
of  time  or  of  law,  to  the  artistic  impulse  he  had  also  a  clearer 
conception  than  any  of  them  of  the  absolute  in  art; 
paradoxical  as  the  statement  may  seem,  he  revered,  too,  for 
this  reason  more  than  any  of  them  the  law  of  change,  which 
he  regarded  as  the  only  means  of  approach  toward  the  abso- 
lute. Infinitely  less  a  scholar  than  any  of  them,  he  was 
proportionately  greater  as  an  esthete  in  that  he  regarded 
even  details  of  concrete  form  and  their  relation  to  spirit  as 
well  as  abstract  beauty.  Less  a  theorist,  he  was  nevertheless 
more  fruitful  in  vital  practical  suggestions  for  artistic  com- 
pleteness. With  less  regard  for  definite  fixed  law,  he  directed 
his  efforts  toward  clearer  comprehension  of  that  unwritten 
law  of  the  poet's  sense  for  beauty  and  proportion  and  the 
seer's  comprehension  of  truth. 


APPENDIX 

Chronological  Outline  of  Fontane's  work  and  Literary 
Interests  Exclusive,  except  in  Section  Three,  of 
Criticism  of  Drama. 

This  outline  is  arranged  to  show  how  relatively  small  a  part  criticism  of 
the  drama  occupies  in  Fontane's  literary  activity.  It  includes  detailed  refer- 
ence to  none  of  the  miscellaneous  book  reviews  and  occasional  criticisms  of 
poetry  and  the  narrative,  which  appeared  often  weekly  for  a  time  (as  in  1875) 
or  every  two  or  three  days  (as  in  Dec.  1880).  Mention  of  individual  poems 
is  rare,  since  it  would  have  rendered  the  outline  unnecessarily  bulky.  When 
no  reference  is  given  in  regard  to  editions,  the  statement  follows  that  found 
at  the  beginning  of  the  various  volumes  of  "  Gesammelte  Werke  "  or  the  card- 
catalog  of  Fontane  publications.  Royal  Library,  Berlin.  —  Except  in  case  of 
editions,  when  no  other  reference  is  noted,  the  point  in  question  is  based  on 
the  diary;  this  occurs  most  frequently  in  sections  4,  5,  6.  —  Roman  numerals 
refer  to  corresponding  volumes  in  **  Gesammelte  Werke,"  Series  2.  —  It  should 
be  noted  that  Fontane's  letters  frequently  show  that  a  book  was  on  the 
Christmas  market  in  the  year  previous  to  that  announced  by  the  publisher 
(cf.  X,  210,  note). 

I .    Previous  to  the  career  of  letters. 
1834-36 
A  few  poems,  unimportant  except  as  beginnings  (X,  106  f.; 
XI,  499). 
1837  (probably) 

An  epic  begun  (X,  106). 
1841 

'*  Shakespeares  Strumpf"  (II,  321). 
1844  (probably) 
Poem,  "Der  Towerbrand,"  soon  after  return  from  England 
(X,  107). 
1846 

''Der  alte  Derfflinger"  and  probably  other  Prussian  ballads 
(III,  21). 


166 

i847 

"Von   der  schonen  Rosamunde"  (cf.   "Theodor   Fontanes 
Briefwechsel  mit  Wilhelm  Wolfsohn,"  30). 
1848-49 

Poems  (III,  286;  X,  198). 

2.  Beginning  of  a  career;    period  previous  to  first  criticism  of 

drama. 
1850 

"Manner  und  Helden"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
"Von  der  schonen  Rosamunde"  (DesssLXi,  first  edition). 
Poems  (X,  15  ff.,  25  and  note,  38  and  note). 
1851 
Poems  (X,  34  f.)- 
"  Gedichte  "  (Berlin,  first  edition) . 
"Deutsches  Dichter- Album,"  an  anthology  edited  by  Fon- 

tane  {Berlin,  first  edition). 
"Von  der  schonen  Rosamunde,"  2.  Aufl. 
1852 
Letters  from  England  to  various  papers,  especially  to  Preus- 

sische  Zeitung  and  Die  Zeit  (VI,  i,  18). 
Poems  and  ballads,  some  of  which  he  calls  translations  from 

Percy  and  Scott  (X,  49  and  note,  55,  57). 
"Deutsches  Dichter- Album,"  2.-3.  Aufl. 

1853 

Critical  essays  and  reviews  (X,  73,  96  f.  and  note). 
Poem  (X,  59). 

3.  Period  of  the  letters  on  the  London  stage. 

1854 
Poems  and  ballads  (X,  126  ff.,  148  and  note;   XI,  403  and 

note) . 
Critical  review  (X,  116,  note). 
Argo.   Belletristisches    Jahrbuch,    edited    by    Fontane  and 

Franz  Kugler  (D esssiU,  first  edition). 
"Ein  Sommer  in  London"  (Dessau,  first  edition). 

1855 
Poems  (X,  126  and  note,  184  and  note). 
Articles  in  various  German  publications,  some  of  which  were 
on  the  drama  (X,  131;  cf.  above,  p.  8). 


167 

1856 
Poem  (X,  157). 

Articles  (X,  147,  151  and  note). 
"Manner  und  Helden,"  2.  Aufl. 

1857 

Poems  (X,  184). 

Articles,  some  of  which  were  on  the  drama  (X,  177  and  note, 
183  f.;  cf.  above,  p.  8). 
1858 

"Deutsches  Dichter- Album,"  4.  Aufl.  (X,  170,  note). 

1859 

Miscellaneous  articles,  some  on  English  subjects 

"  Jenseit  des  Tweed"  finished  (VI,  98). 

"Aus  England"  finished  (VI,  100). 

Studies  of  the  Mark  Brandenburg  begun  (VI,  100). 
4.   Intermediate  period  between  the  two  devoted  in  part  to  criticism 

of  drama. 
i860 

Lectures  on  England  and  Scotland,  also  on  English,  Scotch, 
and  American  literature  (Jan.-Mar.). 

Work    on    "  Wanderungen "    at    intervals    throughout    the 
year. 

Work  on  other  miscellaneous  articles  (Mar.-Oct.). 

Ballads  on  generals  of  the  Great  Elector  (July). 

**Balladen"  (Berlin,  first  edition)  appeared  in  Dec.  (X,  210; 
cf.  XI,  403,  note). 

"Jenseit  des  Tweed"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 

"Aus  England"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
1861 

Lectures  and  articles  on  English  subjects  occasional  through- 
out the  year. 

Work  on  "  Wander ungen "  throughout  the  year;    also  on 
miscellaneous  articles. 

Poems. 

Prolog  for   the  Royal  Theater  on   the  Emperor's   birthday 
(Mar.  22). 

Memorial  poem  for  the  thirtieth  of  September. 

Tenzonen  to  von  Lepel  (Nov.). 


168 

i862 

(First  two  items  as  in  1861.) 
Preliminary  work  for  a  novel  (Jan.  —  cf.  1863). 
"Grafschaft  Ruppin,"  vol.  i   of  "  Wanderungen  durch  die 
Mark  Brandenburg"  (Berlin,  _^f^/  edition). 
1863 
Articles   on    English   subjects,   also   miscellaneous   articles; 

both  are  infrequent. 
Work  on  "  Wanderungen "  throughout  the  year. 
Prolog  for  Festoper  (Mar.). 
Probably  work  on  **Vor  dem  Sturm"  (cf.  XI,  371;    also: 

reference  to  novel,  1862;   above,  p.  3,  n). 
*'Von  der  schonen  Rosamunde,"  3.  Aufl.  (Dresden). 
*'Oderland,"  vol.  2  of  ''Wanderungen"  (Berlin,  ^r^/  edition). 
1864 
Essay  on  Shakspere. 
Occasional  miscellaneous  articles. 
Work  on  ''Wanderungen"  throughout  the  year. 
Prolog  for  celebration  in  Royal  Theater  of  300th  anniver- 
sary of  Shakespere's  birth  (X,  240,  note). 
Ballad,  "Gorm  Grymme"  (cf.  above,  p.  24,  n.  i). 
"Grafschaft  Ruppin"  (increased),  2.  Aufl. 
1865 
Occasional  reviews. 

Work  on  Danish  letters,  history,  and  ballads  (Jan.). 
Spring  and  summer  spent  on  "Der  Schleswig-Holsteinische 
Krieg  im  Jahre  1864." 
1866 

Occasional  reviews  (Jan.);   also,  work  on  '' Wanderungen." 
Work  on  "Vor  dem  Sturm"  (Apr.-June;  cf.  outline  for  1863); 
he  writes:  "Mein  Roman  beschaftigt  mich  ausschliesslich." 
"Bohmische  Reisebriefe"  (Sept.;    Fontane  had  gone  to  Bo- 
hemia in  August  to  collect  material  for  the  book  on  the 
war  of  1866). 
"Der  Schleswig-Holsteinische  Krieg  im  Jahre  1864"  (Berlin, 

first  edition). 
Preparations  for  new  war-book  (Nov.). 
Poem  (X,  248). 


169 

i867 
Occasional  reviews. 
War-book  advances. 
"Oderland"  (revised),  2.  Aufl. 
1868 
Finishes  war-book  and  begins  corrections  which  "last  until 
June,  1869." 
1869 

Work  on  " Wanderungen "  (June-Aug.,  Nov.,  Dec). 
"Der  Feldzug  in  Bohmen  und  Mahren,"  vol.   i   of  "Der 
deutsche  Krieg  von  1866"  (Berlin,  ^r^^  edition). 
5.   Period  of  reports  on  the  Royal  Stage  of  Berlin. 
1870 
Arranges  for  a  third  war-book  (Aug.  —  X,  270) ;  for  trip  to 

scene  of  war  (Sept. — X,  273). 
''Der  Feldzug  in  West-  und  Mitteldeutschland,"  vol.   2  of 
"Der  deutsche  Krieg  von  1866"  (Berlin,  first  edition), 
1871 
Work  on  "  Kriegsgefangen, "  Erlebtes  (Jan.  —  X,  281  ff.). 
Occasional  poems  (June  —  X,  286). 
Work  on  "Aus    den   Tagen    der   Occupation"    (Oct.  —  X, 

291). 
"Der  deutsche  Krieg  von  1866,"  2.  Aufl. 
" Kriegsgef angen "  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
1872 

Work  on  "Havelland,"  vol.  3  of  "  Wanderungen "   (May, 

Sept.  —  X,  295,  304). 
Work    on    "Der    Krieg    gegen    Frankreich"    (Sept. — X, 

304). 
"Aus  den  Tagen  der  Occupation"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 

1873 
Work  on  "Grafschaft  Ruppin"  (cf.  above,  p.  26,  n.  i). 
Considers  possibility  of  the  translation  into  English  of  "Der 

Krieg  gegen  Frankreich"  (Sept.  —  X,  314  ff.). 
Reviews  (Feb.,  Mar. ;  in  Fontanels  collected  reports). 
"Der  Krieg  gegen  das  Kaiserreich,"  vol.  i  of  "Der  Krieg 

gegen  Frankreich"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
"Havelland"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 


170 

i874 

Work  on  3d  edition  of  "Grafschaft  Ruppin/'  greatly  in- 
creased (Jan.  — X,  320). 

Is  arranging  2d  edition  of  "Gedichte"  (Mar.  —  X,  323). 

Collects  material  for  "Spreeland,"  vol.  4  of  "  Wanderungen " 
(July -X,  328). 

Work  on  3d  half- volume  of  "Der  Krieg  gegen  Frankreich'^ 
(undated). 

Reviews  (Feb.,  July  —  in  Fontanels  collected  reports). 

1875 

Work  on  last  half -volume  of  war-book   (Apr.,   July  —  X, 

353  ff-,  359)- 
Plans  work  on  "Vor  dem  Sturm"  for  winter  and  attempts 

to  arrange  for  the  printing  of  it  (Apr.,  July  —  X,  354,  357). 
Plans  work  on  "Flinf  Schlosser,"  a  supplementary  volume 

of  " Wanderungen "  (Apr. — X,  354). 
Reviews  (Jan. -Aug. — in  coll.  reports). 
"Grafschaft  Ruppin,"  3.  Aufl. 
"Gedichte,"  2.  Aufl. 
1876 
Arranges  for  publication  of  "Vor  dem  Sturm"  (Aug.  —  X, 

370);   work  on  it  (Nov.  — X,  375). 
Indications  of  work  on  "Havelland"  (X,  372). 
Article  on  "Akademie  der  Kiinste"  (Aug.  — in  coll.  reports). 
"Der  Krieg  gegen  die  Republik,"  vol.  2  of  "Der  Krieg  gegen 

Frankreich"  {BqiUu,  first  edition). 
1877 
Work  on  "Vor  dem  Sturm"  (Mar.  Dec),  finished  in  Dec. 

(X,  383  f .) ;    this  appeared  in  Daheim. 
Reviews  (Jan.,  July,  Aug.  — in  coll.  reports). 
1878 
Plans  "Grete  Minde"  (May);  work  on  it  (Aug.  — ;  VI,  267; 

X,  387,  note);  this  appeared  in  Nord  und  Sild. 
Wishes  to   try    humorous   representation    of    Berlin   social 

life  (May  — X,  386). 
Has  material  for  a  dozen  stories  (May  —  X,  388). 
Plans  work  on  "Schach   von  Wuthenow"   (Aug.,  Sept.  — 

VI,  268;   X,  390). 


171 

1878 

Work  on  "  Wanderungen'*  (Nov.,  Dec.  —  X,  391  ff.). 

Reviews  (Mar.,  Nov.  — in  coll.  reports). 

•'Vor  dem  Sturm*'  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
1879 

Work  on   ''Crete   Minde"   (Jan.,   Feb.  —  X,   405,   410 f.); 
plans  to  finish  it  in  the  Harz  (Apr.  — X,  415  fif.). 

Considers  revision  of    "Oderland"  for  3d  edition  (Jan. — 

X,  404  f.);    plans  work  on  Kustrin  and  Katte  chapters 
(Feb.  —  X,  410  f.). 

Plans  work  on  "  EUernklipp "  (Feb. — X,  410  f.);    work  on 
it  (June,  Dec. —XI,  3). 

Plans  work  on  "  Schach  von  Wuthenow  "  (Apr.  -June — X,  414). 

Plans  to   finish  in   the  rough   in  the   Harz   "Sidonie   von 
Borcke"  (sic);    this  was  never  written  (X,  415  ff.). 

"L'Adultera"  finished  in  the  rough  and  refused  by  Hertz 
(Dec. —XI,  if.). 

Reviews  (Dec.  —  in  coll.  reports). 

"Crete  Minde"  (Berlin,  first  edition), 
1880 

Has  written  "Die  Brucke  von  Tay"  (Jan.  —  XI,  2). 

Corrects  "L'Adultera"  which  appeared,  June- July,  in  Nord 
und  Sud  (Mar.  —  XI,  i  f.). 

Corrects  chapter,  Oranienburg,  for  revised  edition  of  "Havel- 
land"  (Mar. —VI,  284). 

Work   on"    Fiinf  Schlosser"   (May,  July,  Nov. — VI,  300; 

XI,  8,  10,  25). 

Corrects  and  revises  "  EUernklipp "  (June,  Aug. — VI,  308; 

XI,  9). 
Work  on  "Graf  Petofy"  (Aug.  —  VI,  307  f.). 
Reviews  (Dec.  — in  coll.  reports). 
"Havelland,"  2.  Aufl. 
1881 
Work  on  "Funf  Schlosser"  (Feb.  —  XI,  31  f.,  40). 
Corrects  proof  of  " Ellernklipp "  (Mar.  —  XI,  31  f.). 
Collects  material  for  "Spreeland"  (Apr.  —  XI,  40  ff.). 
Plans  new  book,  "S  torch  von  Adebar,"  never  finished  (June 

-XI,  45  f.). 


172 

i88i 

Works  on  ''Graf  Petofy"  and  ''Schach  von  Wuthenow" 

(June -XI,  45  f.). 
Arranges  for  "L'Adultera"  in  book  form  (Sept.  — XI,  56). 
Plans  to  write  the  Scherenberg  essay  (Nov.  —  XI,  59  f.). 
"L'Adultera"  (Breslau,  first  edition). 
"Spreeland"  (Berlin,  j^r^/  edition). 
"  EUernklipp  "  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
1882 
Work  on  "Schach  von  Wuthenow"  (May,  June);   appeared 

in  V.  Z.,  July-Aug. 
Plans  to  spend  October  and  subsequent  months  on  "Graf 
Petofy"  and  the  Scherenberg  essay  (Aug.  —  VII,  19;    cf. 
also  XI,  83). 
"Grafschaft  Ruppin,"  4.  Aufl.;    this  was  prepared  in  Sept. 

(XI,  71)-. 
"Schach  von  Wuthenow"  (Leipzig,  first  two  editions). 
1883 

Work  on  a  new  novel,  "Irrungen,  Wirrungen"  (Feb.). 
Reviews  (Feb.-May). 

Needs  material  for  "Graf  Petofy"  (July  — VII,  50). 
Work  on  Scherenberg  essay  (Nov.,  Dec). 
"Graf  Petofy"  (Dresden,  first  edition). 
1884 
Scherenberg  essay  is  finished  and  corrected  (Mar.-June  — 

VII,  83,  88;   XI,  60)  ;  appeared  in  V.  Z.,  June  and  July. 
Eight  chapters  of  "Irrungen,  Wirrungen"  written  in  Hankels 
Ahlage,  the  scene  of  a  part  of  the  story;   thus  the  entire 
plan  is  completed  (i2th-26th  of  May). 
"Cecile"  planned  in  Harz,  at  Hotel  Zehnpfund,  the  scene 

of  a  part  of  the  story  (last  part  of  June  —  VII,  98  if.). 
"Christian  Friedrich  Scherenberg"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
Poem,  "Jung  Bismarck"  for  Nord  und  SUd  (between  Feb. 

and  Apr.). 
Correction  of  "Cecile"  (June). 

New  ballads  written  (June,  Aug. —  VII,  116  f.;  XI,  100). 
Prolog  to  celebrate  anniversary  festival  of  French  Colony 
(Oct. —XI,  loi). 


173 

i884 

Second  edition  of  ^'Spreeland"  is  in  preparation  (Dec.  — 

XI,  103  f.). 
Part  of  "Stine"  written  (cf.  letter  of  Apr.  1890,  XI,  249). 
"Unterm  Birnbaum"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
1886 

Correction  of  "Spreeland"  (Jan.  —  XI,  107). 

Work  on  "Quitt"  (May,  June);   can  complete  only  one  such 

story  this  year  in  addition  to  work  for  V.  Z.  (XI,  112,  115). 
Completion  of  "Irrungen,  Wirrungen"   (cf.  letter  of  Apr. 

1890,  XI,  249). 
"Spreeland,"  2.  Aufl. 
1887 

Considers  5th  edition  of  "Grafschaft  Ruppin"  with  additions 

(Mar. —XI,  124  ff.). 
Plans  3d  edition    of    ''Gedichte"  with  additions   (Apr. — 

XI,  127). 
Work  on  ''Irrungen,  Wirrungen"  (probably  correction,  cf. 

outline  for  1886);   appeared  in  V.  Z.,  July-Aug.  (July  — 

XI,  131). 
Wishes  to  write  on  the  Quitzows  (July  — XI,  129  f.);  a  sec- 
tion of  "Fiinf  Schlosser"  bears  this  title. 
Story,  "Eine  Frau  in  meinen  Jahren"  finished  (July  —  XI, 

130)- 
Prepares  2d  edition  of  "Grete  Minde"  (Aug.  — XI,  136.) 
Contemplates  writing  "Die  Likedeeler"  (Aug.  —  XI,  135  f.). 
Work  on  "  Unwiederbringlich "  (Oct.-Dec). 
"Cecile"  (Berlin,  first  two  editions). 
"Irrungen,  Wirrungen"  (Leipzig,  first  edition). 
1888 

Writes    for    information    for    a    ballad,    "Briiderchen    und 

Schwesterchen,"  never  written  (Feb. — XI,  145  f.). 
Correction  of  ''Fiinf  Schl5sser"  (Feb.). 
Finishes"  Frau  Jenny  Treibel"  in  the  rough  (May  —  VII 

173  ff.). 

"Stine"  refused  by  V.  Z.  (June  —  XI,  155). 

Plans  ballad,  "Die  Todten  von  Hemmingstedt,"  not  com- 
pleted (Sept. —  XI,  162  f.;    cf.  outline,  1889). 


174 

i888 

Correction  of  " Unwiederbringlich "  (Nov. — XI,  163  f.). 
Article,  ''Die  Marker  und  das  Berlinertum "  appeared  (XI, 

167,  note). 
"Fiinf  Schlosser"  (Berlin,  ^r5/  edition), 
1889 

Correction  of  "Quitt." 

Seeks  information  for   "Die  Todten  von   Hemmingstedt " 

(Jan. -XI,  174  f.). 
Asks  to  send  new  ballads  to   Rodenberg   for  publication 

(June -VII,  216;   XI,  195  f.). 
Work  on  Bredow  chapters    for  a  new   book    (June  —  XI, 

194  £f.,  202);    asks  Dr.  Schlenther  to  substitute  for  him 

as  critic  for  the  theater,  since  he  is  engaged  in  getting 

material  for  his  Bredow  book,  upon  which  the  little  future 

he  has  left  depends  (Sept.  — XI,  214  f.). 
Correction  of  *'Unwiederbringlich"  (Oct.). 
"Gedichte,"  3.  Aufl.  (about  one-third  are  new;  cf.  XI,  232  f.). 
6.   Subsequent   to   the   cessation   of  regular   dramatic   criticism 

(cf.  above,  p.  34). 
1890 

Plans  to  write  autobiography  (XI,  242). 

Correction  of  "Unwiederbringlich." 

''Graf  Petofy,"  Neue  Ausgabe  (F.  Fontane  &  Co.,  Berlin). 

"Stine"    (Berlin,  first    edition);    this   had   appeared  before 

in  F.  Mauthner's  Deutschland,  Bd.  i. 
"Quitt"   (Berlin,  first  edition);  appeared  before  in  Garten- 

lauhe. 
"Irrungen,  Wirrungen"  (Berlin,  ^r 5/  edition). 
All  of  the  narratives  which  had  appeared  to  this  time  are 

collected    in    "Gesammelte    Romane  und  Erzahlungen" 

(Berlin,  1890-92). 
1891 

Correction  of  "Frau  Jenny  Treibel." 

Work    on    "Mathilde    Mohring;"     this    appeared   first    in 

"Aus  dem  Nachlass"  (Berlin,  1908),  complete  in  plan  but 

probably  without  final  revision. 
Work  on  "Die  Poggenpuhls." 


175 

1891 

''Gedichte,"  4.  Aufl.  (XI,  260,  265  and  note). 

''Stine,"  2.-3.  Aufl. 

^'Irrungen,  Wirrungen,"  2.  Aufl. 

"L'Adultera,"  2.  Aufl. 

"  Unwiederbringlich "  appeared  in  the  Deutsche  Rundschau. 
1892 

Finishes  "Die  Poggenpuhls"  (XI,  284). 

Begins  correction  of  *^Effi  Briest." 

Decides  to  write  '*  Kinder jahre"  to  1832;  works  on  auto- 
biography for  some  weeks  (XI,  295  ff.). 

"Grafschaft  Ruppin"  (increased)  5.  Aufl.  (cf.  XI,  125  and 
note,  284). 

"Wanderungen  durch  die  Mark  Brandenburg,"  Volksaus- 
gabe  (Berlin),  4  vols. 

"Cecile,"  Neue  Ausgabe. 

"Kriegsgefangen,"  2.  Aufl.;  this  appeared  also  in  French 
translation  (Paris). 

"Frau  Jenny  Treibel"  (Berlin,  ^r^/  two  editions))  appeared 
before  in  Deutsche  Rundschau. 

"Unwiederbringlich"  (Berlin,  ^f5/  edition). 

1893 

Correction  of  ''Effi  Briest,"  written  three  years  before. 

"Frau  Jenny  Treibel,"  3.  Aufl. 

Four  short  stories  appear  in  Deutsche  Rundschau  (XI,  302 
and  note);  these  appear  later  under  the  title  "Von,  vor 
und  nach  der  Reise." 

"Meine  Kinderjahre"  (Berlin,  ^^r^i  edition). 
1894 

Correction  of  "Die  Poggenpuhls." 

"  Unwiederbringlich "  appeared  in  Danish  translation  (XI, 

331)- 
"Effi  Briest"  appeared  in  Deutsche  Rundschau  from  October 

on  (XI,  340  and  note). 
"Meine  Kinderjahre,"  2.-3.  Aufl. 

"Von,  vor  und  nach  der  Reise"  (Berlin,  first  two  editions). 
"Schach  von  Wuthenow,"  3.  Aufl. 
"Kriegsgefangen,"  3.  Aufl. 


176 

Began  ''Der  Stechlin.'^ 

Work  during  the  winter  is  on  a  second  volume  of  reminis- 
cences, ''Fortsetzung  der  Kinderjahre";  reference  is  to 
"Von  Zwanzig  bis  Dreissig";  some  chapters  appeared  in 
Pan  (XI,  336,  note). 

Seeks  material  for  "Die  Likedeeler"  (XI,  343  f-;  cf.  above, 
p.  148;    also,  outline  for  1887). 

"Effi  Briest"  (Berlin,  ^r^/  three  editions). 

"Die  Poggenpuhls*'  appeared  in  Vom  Pels  zum  Meer. 
1896 

Some  chapters  of  "Von  Zwanzig  bis  Dreissig"  appear  in 
Deutsche  Rundschau  (XI,  381,  note) ;  finishes  and  corrects 
volume  2,  "Erinnerungen." 

Wrote  "Der  Stechlin"  in  the  winter  (XI,  388). 

"Vor  dem  Sturm,"  Volksausgabe  (Berlin). 

"Grafschaft  Ruppin,"  6.  Aufl. 

"Frau  Jenny  Treibel,"  4.  Aufl. 

"Effi  Briest,"  4.-5-  Aufl. 

"Die  Poggenpuhls"  (Berlin,  ^r^/  four  editions). 
1897 

Prepares  5th  edition  of  "Gedichte"  with  additions  (XI,  424, 
440). 

"Effi  Briest,"  6.  Aufl. 

"Der  Stechlin"  appeared  first  in  Uber  Land  und  Meer  (XI, 

433)- 
1898 

"Effi  Briest,"  7.  Aufl. 
"Gedichte,"  5.  Aufl. 
"Frau  Jenny  Treibel,"  5.  Aufl. 
"Kriegsgefangen,"  4.  Aufl. 
"L'Adultera,"  3.  Aufl. 
"Unwiederbringlich,"  2.-3.  Aufl. 
"Der  Stechlin"  (Berlin,  first  five  editions), 
"Von  Zwanzig  bis  Dreissig"  (Berlin,  first  edition). 
Plan  to  work  on  "Das  Landchen  Friesack  und  die  Bredows" 
(XI,  472  f.). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Works  of  Fontane  Used 

Manner  und  Helden.     Berlin,  1850. 

Von  der  schonen  Rosamunde.     Dessau,  1850. 

Gedichte.     Berlin,  1851. 

Argo.   Belletristisches  Jahrbuch  (edited  by  Fontane  and  Franz 

Kugler).     Dessau,  1854. 
Argo.   Breslau,  1857,  1858,  1859  (Fontane  had  no  part  in  editing 

the  Argo  after  1854  but  made  contributions  to  it). 
Ein  Sommer  in  London.     Dessau,  1854. 
Shakespeare  auf  der  modernen   englischen   Biihne.     Literatur 

Blatt  (Supplement  of  Deutsches  Kunsthlatt,  Zeitschrift  fur 

bildende  Kunst,  Baukunst  und  Kunstwerke) .    Berlin,  1855- 

1857. 
Jenseit  des  Tweed.     Berlin,  i860. 
Aus  England.     Studien  und  Briefe  iiber  Londoner  Theater, 

Kunst  und  Presse.     Stuttgart,  i860. 
Wanderungen  durch  die  Mark  Brandenburg.     Berlin,   1862- 

1881. 
Der  Schleswig-Holsteinische  Krieg  im  Jahre  1864.    Berlin,  1866. 
Der  deutsche  Krieg  von  1866.     Berlin,  1869-1870. 
Der  Krieg  gegen  Frankreich.     Berlin,  1873-1876. 
Fiinf  Schlosser.     Berlin,  1888. 
Gesammelte    Werke    von    Theodor    Fontane.     Erste    Serie: 

RomaneundNovellen  (10  vols.).     Zweite  Serie:  Gedichte, 

Autobiographisches,  Briefe,  Kritiken,  Nachlass  (11  vols.). 

Berlin  (no  date  on  the  title  page;   copyright  dates  range 

from  1905  to  1912). 
Theater  Reports  as  published  in  the  Vossische  Zeitung,  1870- 

1889. 
Unpublished  Family  Letters,  185  2-1896. 
Unpublished  Diary,  1860-1898. 


178 


Authorities   Consulted  for  a   General  Knowledge  of 
fontane  and  his  period 

(i)     The  most  important  Histories  of  Literature: 

Bartels,  Adolf:   Geschichte  der  deutschen  Literatur;    Bd.   2, 

Die  neuere  Literatur.     5.  und  6.  Aufl.  Leipzig,  1909. 
Die  deutsche  Dichtung  der  Gegenwart;  die  Alten  und  die 

Jungen.     8.  Aufl.     Leipzig,  1910. 
Biese,    Alfred:   Deutsche    Literaturgeschichte.     Bd.    3,    Von 

Hebbel  bis  zur  Gegenwart.     1.-3.  Aufl.     Miinchen,  191 1. 
Kummer,  Friedrich:   Deutsche  Literatur  des  19.  Jahrhunderts 

dargestellt  nach  Generationen.     Dresden,  1909. 
Meyer,   Richard   M.:   Die  deutsche  Literatur  des    19.   Jahr- 
hunderts.    3.  umgearbeitete  Aufl.     Berlin,  1906. 
Stern,  Adolf:  Geschichte  der  neueren  Literatur.     Leipzig,  1882- 

1885. 
Die  deutsche  Nationalliteratur  von  Tode  Goethes  bis  zur 

Gegenwart.     Marburg  und  Leipzig,  1886. 
Storck,    Karl:   Deutsche    Literaturgeschichte.     6.    u.    7.    ver- 

mehrte  Aufl.     Stuttgart,  1913. 
Witkowski,  Georg:   Die  Entwicklung  der  deutschen  Literatur 

seit  1830.     Leipzig,  191 2. 
Wolff,    Eugen:   Geschichte    der    deutschen    Literatur    in    der 

Gegenwart.     Leipzig,  1896. 

(2)   Letter Sy  Memoirs  and  Records: 

Heyse,  Paul:  Jugenderinnerungen  und  Bekenntnisse:    2  Bde. 

3  Aufl.     Berlin,  1900. 
Lepel,  Bernhard  von:  Bernhard  von  Lepel  an  Theodor  Fontane, 

Brief e  von  1 843-1 883.     Hrsg.  von  Eva  A.  von  Arnim. 

Berlin,  19 10. 
Liibke,  Wilhelm:  Lebenserinnerungen.     Berlin,  1891. 
Pietsch,  Ludwig:   Wie  ich  Schrifts teller  geworden  bin.     Erin- 

nerungen  aus  den  funfziger  Jahren.     Berlin,  1893. 

Aus  jungen  und  alten  Tagen.     Berlin,  1904. 

Roquette,  Otto:   Siebzig  Jahre.     2  Bde.     Darmstadt,  1894. 


179 

Theodor  Fontanes  Briefwechsel  mit  Wilhelm  Wolfsohn.  Hrsg. 
von  Wilhelm  Wolters.     Berlin,  1910. 

Wilbrandt,  Adolf:  Aus  der  Werdezeit.  Erinnerungen.  Stutt- 
gart und  Berlin,  1907. 

Zur  Geschichte  des  literischen  Sonntags-Vereins,  "Tunnel  iiber 
der  Spree,"  in  Berlin,  1827-1877  (undated  pamphlet; 
Royal  Library,  Berlin). 

(3)  Essays,  Monographs  and  Miscellaneous  Press  Articles  on 
Fontane  (the  following  list  includes  less  than  one-third  of  the 
miscellaneous  press  articles  and  reviews  read  for  this  work) : 

Baumgarten,  Dr.  Franz:   Theodor  Fontane.     Frankfurter  Zei- 

tungj  22.  Sept.,  1908. 
Behrend,  Dr.  Fritz:   Der  "Tunnel  iiber  der  Spree."     Sonntags- 

beilage  zur  Vossischen  Zeitung,  25.  Sept.,  1910. 
Bolsche,   Wilhelm:    Theodor   Fontane.     Aphorismen.     Social- 

istische  Monatshefte,  Okt.,  1898. 
Brandt,     Rolf:   Theodor     Fontane.     Velhagen     und     Klasing 

Volksbucher,  nr.  97.     Bielefeld,  1913. 
Conrad,  Hermann  :  Theodor  Fontanels  "  Hamlet."     Das  liter a- 

rische  Echo,  2.  Jahrg.,  Heft  1,1.  Okt,  1899. 
Dahms,  Gustav:   Aus  dem  Nachlass  eines  deutschen  Dichters. 

N.  Y.  Staatszeitung,  30.  Apr.,  1899. 
Deffis,  Dr.  Hans:   Aus  Theodor  Fontanes  Werdejahren.     Sonn- 

tagsbeilage  z.  Vossischen  Zeitung,  Nov.,  1908. 
Eggers,  Alexander:   Aus  Theodor  Fontanes  Selbstbiographie. 

Baltische  Monatsschrijt,  Nov.,  1905. 
Elster,   Hanns   Martin:   Theodor   Fontanes   Berlin.     Deutsche 

Tageszeitung,  13.  Juni,  191 2. 
Ernst,  Otto,(cf.  Schmidt). 
Ettlinger,  Josef :   Neue  Fontane- Kunde.     Vossische  Zeitung,  12. 

Feb.,  1911. 
Theodor  Fontane  in  seinen  Briefen.     Beilage  z.  allgemeinen 

Zeitung,  nr.  90,  1905. 
Fassbinder,  Dr.  Josef:   Die  Balladendichtung  Theodor  Fontanes. 

Der  Gral,  4.  Jahrg.,  Heft  11/ 12. 
Franzos,  Karl  Emil:  Die  Geschichte  des  Erstlingswerks.     Berlin 

(no  date). 


180 

Kricker,    Gottfried:    Theodor   Fontane,   von   seiner   Art   und 

epischen  Technik.     Berlin,  191 2. 
Meyer,  Richard  M.:   Fontanes  Balladen.     Velhagen  und  Klas- 

ings  Monatshefte,  25.  Jahrg.,  Sept.,  19 10. 

Gestalten  und  Probleme.     Berlin,  1905. 

Necker,  Moritz:   Theodor  Fontane  als  Kritiker.     Die  Zeit,  Bd. 

XL,  Okt.,  1904. 
Pantenius,  Theodor  Hermann:  Theodor  Fontane.     Daheim,  $$. 

Jahrg.,  Sept.,  1898. 
Pfembert,  Franz:   Die  Aktion,  nr.  37,  191 1. 
Pniower,  Otto:  Crete  Minde.     Brandenburgia,  9.  Jahrg.,  1901. 
Dichtungen  und  Dichter.     Essays  und  Studien.     191 2  (no 

place). 
Poppenburg,  Felix:  Theodor  Fontane  und  Bernhard  von  Lepel. 

Die  Grenzboten,  13.  Apr.,  1910. 
Schlenther,  Paul:    Aus  Theodor  Fontanes  Friihzeit.     Berliner 

Tageblatt,  Beiblatt,  4,  16.  Nov.,  1910. 
Servaes,    Franz:     Theodor   Fontane.     Bd.    XXIV   von    *'Die 

Dichtung."     Berlin  und  Leipzig,  1904. 
Schmidt,  Erich:   Charaktistiken.     Berlin,  1886. 
(Schmidt)  Ernst,  Otto:   Bliihender  Lorbeer.     Leipzig,  19 10. 
Schoenemann,  Dr.  Friedrich:   Theodor  Fontane.     Der  Volkser- 

zieher,  14.  Jahrg.,  nr.  9. 
Theodor  Fontane  als  Marker.     Sonderabdruck  aus  Zeit- 

schrijtfiir  den  deutschen  Unterricht,  28.  Jahrg.,  6.  Heft. 
Theodor  Fontane  und  England.     Sonnta^sblatt  der  N.  Y. 

Staatszeitung,  13.  Dez.,  19 14. 
Schott,  Siegmund:  Theodor  Fontanes  letzter  Roman.     Beilage 

z.  allgem.  Zeitung,  11.  Nov.,  1898. 
Servaes,  Franz:    Warum  wir  unseren  Theodor  Fontane  so  lieb 

hatten.   Das  Magazinfur  Literatur,  67.  Jahrg.,  8.  Okt.,  1898. 
Spiero,    Heinrich:    Theodor    Fontane.      Konservative    Monats- 

schriftfur  Politikf  Literatur  und  Kunst,  63.  Jahrg.,  Juni,  1906. 

Hermen.     Essays  und  Studien.     1906  (no  place). 

Sprengler,    Josef:     Neues   iiber    und    von    Theodor    Fontane. 

Liter arischer  Handweiser,  nr.  21,  1905. 
Strobl,  Karl  Hans:  Die  neue  Fontane-Ausgabe.     Osterreichische 

Rundschau y  15.  Marz,  1906. 


181 

Tielo,  A.  R.  T.:   Theodor  Fontanes  erste  lyrische  Dichtungen. 

Beilage  z.  allgem.  Zeitung,  7.  Juni,  1899. 
Warncke,  Paul:  Zum  Gedachtnis  Theodor  Fontanes.     Der  Bar, 

Bd.  24,  1898. 
Wegmann,  Carl:    Theodor  Fontane  als  Ubersetzer  englischer 

und  schottischer  Balladen.     Miinster  in  Westfalen,  1910. 

(4)    Books  and  Articles  {bearing  upon  this  study)  read  and  criti- 
cised by  Fontane: 

Alberti,  Conrad  (cf.  Sittenfeld). 

Brahm,  Otto:   Das  Leben  Heinrichs  von  Kleist.     Berlin,  191 1. 

Paul  Heyse.     Westermanns  Illustrierte  deutsche  Monatshefte, 

Bd.  53,  Braunschweig,  1883. 
Engel,  Eduard:  Psychologie  der  franzosischen  Literatur.     Ber- 
lin, 1885. 
Frenzel,  Karl:   (Report  on)  Wildenbruchs  ^'Opfer  um  Opfer '\ 

Nationalzeitung,  Morgenausgabe,  12.  Dez.,  1882. 
Die  Zukunft  des  Schauspielhauses.     Nationalzeitung,  13. 

und  19.  Dez.,  1888. 
Kuh,  Emil:  Biographie  Friedrich  Hebbels.     Wien,  1877. 
Nordau,  Max:    Einiges  iiber  Schillers  Don  Carlos.     Vossische 

Zeitung,  1 8.-20.  Dez.,  1896. 
Schlenther,  Paul:    Botho  von  Hiilsen  und  seine  Leute.     Ein 

Jubilaumskritik    iiber    das    Berliner    Hofschauspiel.     2. 

Aufl.     Berlin,  1883. 

Henrik  Ibsen.     Zur  guten  Stunde,  1889  (Berlin). 

(Sittenfeld)    Alberti,    Conrad:     Ohne   Schminke.     Wahrheiten 

iiber  das  moderne  Theater.     Leipzig,  1887. 
Wolzogen,  Ernst  von:  Humor  und  Naturalismus.     Frei  Bilhne, 

I.  Jahrg.,  1890. 

The  Chief  Authorities  on  General  Criticism,  Stage 
History  and  the  Drama  (used  as  a  comparative  basis  in 
estimating  Fontane's  dramatic  criticism): 

Arnold,  Matthew:  Essays  in  Criticism,  ist  series,  ist  essay, 
The  Function  of  Criticism  at  the  Present  Time.  London, 
1902  (ist  ed.  1865). 


182 

Arnold,    Robert    F.:     Das    moderne    Drama.    2.    verbesserte, 

teilweise  neu  bearbeitete  Aufl.     Strassburg,  191 2. 
Bahr,  Hermann:  Studien  zur  Kritik  der  Moderne.     Frankfurt 

a.  M.,  1894. 

Wiener  Theater  (1892-1898).     Berlin,  1899. 

Baker,   George  P.:    The   Development  of   Shakespeare  as  a 

Dramatist.     New  York,  19 14. 
Berg,    Leo:     Henrik   Ibsen    und    das    Germanentum   in    der 

modernen     Literatur.      Literarische    Volkshefte,    nr.    2, 

Berlin  (no  date). 
Der     Naturalismus.     Zur     Psychologie     der     modernen 

Kunst.     Miinchen,  1892. 
Zwischen     zwei     Jahrhunderten.      Gesammelte     Essays. 

Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1896. 

Neue  Essays.     Oldenburg  und  Leipzig,  1901. 

Bernays,   Michael:    Zur  neueren   und    neuesten    Literaturge- 

schichte.     11.     Berlin,  1899. 
Bischoff,   Heinrich:    Ludwig  Tieck  als  Dramaturg.     Brussel, 

1897. 
Bleibtreu,  Carl:   Revolution  der  Literatur.     2.  Aufl.     Leipzig, 

1886. 

Der  Kampfum's  Dasein  der  Literatur.     Leipzig,  1889. 

Boas,  Frederick  S.:    Shakespere  and  his  Predecessors.     New 

York,  1908. 
Bolsche,  Wilhelm:  Hinter  der  Weltstadt.     Leipzig,  1901. 
Brachvogel,  A.  E.:    Geschichte  des  Koniglichen  Theaters  zu 

Berlin.     Bde.  i.  u.  2.     Berlin,  1877-1878. 
Brahm,  Otto:    Kritische  Schriften  iiber  Drama  und  Theater. 

Hrsg.  von  Paul  Schlenther.     Berlin,  1913. 
Brandes,  George:    Main  Currents  in  Nineteenth  Century  Litera- 
ture.    Vol.  VI,  Young  Germany.     New  York,  1905. 
Moderne  Geister.     Literarische  Bildnisse  aus  dem  neun- 

zehnten  Jahrhundert.     4.  von  neuem  durchgesehene  und 

vermehrte  Aufl.     Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1901. 
Brunetiere,  Ferdinand:  Les  epoques  du  theatre  frangais:   1636- 

1850.     septieme  edition,  Paris,  1909. 
Bulthaupt,  Heinrich  A.:  Dramaturgie  des  Schauspiels.     4  vols. 

12.  Aufl.     Oldenburg  und  Leipzig,  1908. 


183 

Shakespeare  und  der  Naturalismus.     Supplement  zu  Bd. 

XXVIII    des    Jahrbuchs    der    deutschen    Shakespeare- 

Gesellschaft.     Weimar,  1893. 
Butcher,  S.  H.:    Aristotle's  Theory  of  Poetry  and  Fine  Art; 

with  a  critical  text  and  translation  of  the  Poetics.     4th 

ed.     London,  1901. 
Bytkowski,    Sigismund:    Gerhart    Hauptmanns    Naturalismus 

und  das  Drama.     Hamburg  und  Leipzig,  1908. 
Chandler,  Frank  W.:   Aspects  of  Modern  Drama.     New  York, 

1914. 
Clark,  Barrett  H.:   The  Continental  Drama  of  Today.     New 

York,  1914. 
Conrad,  Michael  G. :   Von  Emile  Zola  bis  Gerhart  Hauptmann. 

Erinnerungen   zur    Geschichte    der    Modernen.     Leipzig, 

1902. 
Creizenach,  W.:   Geschichte  des  neueren  Dramas.     Halle  a.  S., 

1893-1909. 
Devrient,  Eduard:   Geschichte  der  deutschen  Schauspielkunst. 

Leipzig,  1848-1861-1874. 
Ehrhard,   August    (and)    Neckar,    Moritz:   Franz   Grillparzer. 

Sein  Lebensgang  und  seine  Werke.     Munchen,  19 10. 
Eloesser,  Arthur:   Das  biirgerliche  Drama.     Seine  Geschichte 

im  18.  und  19.  Jahrhundert.     Berlin,  1898. 
Ernst,  Paul:   Der  Weg  zur  Form.    Asthetische  Abhandlungen 

vornehmlich  zur  Tragodie  und  Novelle.     Leipzig,  1906. 
Frenzel,  Karl:   Berliner  Dramaturgic.     2  Bde.     Erfurt,  1877. 
Freytag,  Gustav:  Die  Technik  des  Dramas.     Leipzig,  1863. 
Aufsatze  zur  Geschichte,  Literatur  und  Kunst.     Leipzig, 

1888. 
Freie  Bilhne.     Berlin,  1889-1892. 
Gottschall,   Rudolf  von:   Zur  Kritik  des  modernen  Dramas. 

Vergleichende  Studien.     2.  Aufl.     Berlin,  1900. 
Hamilton,   Clayton  M.:   The  Theory  of  the  Theater.     New 

York,  1913. 
Hanstein,    Adelbert    von:     Das    jiingste    Deutschland.     Zwei 

Jahrhunderte    miterlebter    Literaturgeschichte.     Leipzig, 

1900. 
Harden,  Maximilian:  Literatur  und  Theater.     Berlin,  1896. 


184 

Hart,  Heinrich  (und)  Julius:  Kritische  Waffengange.  Leipzig, 
1882-1884. 

Holz,  Arno:  Die  Kunst.  Ihr  Wesen  und  ihre  Gesetze.  Neue 
Folge.     2.  Aufl.     Berlin,  1893. 

Huneker,  James  G.:  Iconoclasts.     New  York,  1905. 

Kerr,  Alfred:  Das  neue  Drama.     Berlin,  1905. 

Klaar,  Alfred:  Geschichte  des  modernen  Dramas  in  Umrissen. 
Leipzig,  1883. 

Koch,  Herbert:  Uber  das  Verhaltnis  von  Drama  und  Geschichte 
bei  Hebbel.     Leipzig,  1904. 

Kueffner,  Louise  M.:  The  Development  of  the  Historic  Drama. 
Its  Theory  and  Practice:  A  Study  based  chiefly  on  the 
dramas  of  Elizabethan  England  and  of  Germany.  Chi- 
cago, 1910. 

Laube,  Heinrich:  Ausgewahlte  Werke  in  10  Banden.  Bd.  6, 
Das  norddeutsche  Theater.  Leipzig  (no  date;  introduc- 
tion is  dated  Wien,  Nov.,  187 1). 

Lee,  Jennette  B.:  The  Ibsen  Secret.     New  York,  1907. 

Lessing,  G.  E.:  Samtliche  Schriften.  Hrsg.  von  Karl  Lach- 
mann.  3.  aufs  neue  durchgesehene  und  vermehrte  Aufl. 
besorgt  durch  Franz  Muncker:  Bd.  6,  Theatralische 
Bibliothek  1754-1758.  Stuttgart,  1890;  Bd.  8,  Briefe,  die 
neueste  Literatur  betreffend.  Stuttgart,  1892;  Bde.  9  u. 
10,  Hamburgische  Dramaturgie.     Stuttgart,  1894. 

Lessing,  Otto  E.:  Masters  in  Modern  German  Literature. 
Dresden,  1912. 

Die  neue  Form,  ein  Beitrag  zum  Verstandnis  des  deutschen 

Naturalismus.     Dresden,  1910. 

Lewisohn,  Ludwig:  The  Modern  Drama.  An  Essay  in  Inter- 
pretation.    New  York,  191 5. 

Litzmann,  Berthold:  Das  deutsche  Drama  in  den  literarischen 
Bewegungen  der  Gegenwart.     Hamburg  und  Leipzig,  1894. 

Ernst  von  Wildenbruch.     Berlin,  1913. 

Lorenz,  Max:  Die  Literatur  am  Jahrhundertende.  Stuttgart, 
1900. 

Lothar,  Rudolph:  Das  deutsche  Drama  der  Gegenwart. 
Miinchen  und  Leipzig,  1905. 

Studien  zur  Psychologie  der  Literatur.     Breslau,  1895. 


185 

Lublinski,  Samuel:  Die  Bilanz  der  Moderne.     Berlin,  1904. 

Der  Ausgang  der  Moderne.     Dresden,  1909. 

Ludwig,  Otto:   Gesammelte  Schriften.     Bd.  5,  Studien.     Leip- 
zig, 1 89 1. 
Matthews,  Brander:    The  Development  of  the  Drama.     New 

York,  1906. 
French    Dramatists   of   the   Nineteenth    Century.     New 

York,  1 88 1. 

Shakespere  as  a  Playwright.     New  York,  19 13. 

Moliere.     His  Life  and  his  Works.     New  York,  19 10. 

Mauthner,  Fritz:    Von   Keller  zu  Zola.     Kritische  Aufsatze. 

Berlin,  1887. 
Meyer,  Richard  M. :  Der  Darwinismus  in  Drama.     Buhne  und 

Welt,  1908-1909. 
Morley,    Henry:    The  Journal   of   a   London   Playgoer  from 

1851-1866.     London,  1891  ("prologue"  is  dated  1866). 
Nicholson,  Watson:   The  Struggle  for  a  Free  Stage  in  London. 

Boston  and  New  York,  1906. 
Pellisier,  Georges:    Literary  Movement  in  France  during  the 

Nineteenth    Century:     authorized    English    version    by 

Anne    Garrison    Brinton,    with    a    general    introduction. 

New  York,  1897. 
Pforten,  Otto  von  der:    Werden  und  Wesen  des  historischen 

Dramas.     Heidelberg,  1901. 
Prolz,    Robert:     Geschichte    des    neueren    Dramas.     3    Bde. 

Leipzig,  1 880-1 883. 
Das  herzoglich  Meiningen'sche  Hoftheater.     Seine   Ent- 

wicklung.     Leipzig,  1887. 
Riemann,  Robert:   Das  neunzehnte  Jahrhundert  der  deutschen 

Literatur.     2.  Aufi.     191 2  (no  place). 
Rohr,  Julius:    Wildenbruch  als  Dramatiker.     Kritische  Unter- 

suchungen.     Berlin,  1908. 
Gerhart  Hauptmanns  dramatisches  Schaffen.     Eine  Studie. 

Dresden,  191 2. 
Schiemann,    Paul:  Auf  dem  Wege  zum  neuen  Drama.     Ein 

literar-historischer  Versuch.     Reval,  191 2. 
Schlag,  Hermann:   Das  Drama.     Wesen,  Theorie  und  Technik 

des  Dramas.     Essen,  1909. 


186 

Schlegel,  August  W. :  Vorlesungen  iiber  dramatische  Kunst  und 

Literatur.     I.  3.  Ausgabe,  besorgt  von  Eduard  Bocking. 

Leipzig,  1846. 
Schlenther,  Paul:   Gerhart  Hauptmann.     Sein  Lebensgang  und 

seine  Dichtung.     3.  Aufl.     Berlin,  1898. 
Schmidt,  Julian:   Bilder  aus  dem  geistigen  Leben  unserer  Zeit. 

Leipzig,  1870-1873. 
Charakterbilder  aus  der  zeitgenossischen  Literatur.     Leip- 
zig, 1875- 
Soergel,  Albert:    Dichtung  und  Dichter  der  Zeit.     191 1   (no 

place). 
Spingarn,  J.  E.:    The  Origins  of  Modern  Criticism.     Modern 

Philology^  Apr.,  1904. 
The  New  Criticism:    a  Lecture  Delivered  at  Columbia 

University,  March  9,  19 10.     New  York,  191 1. 
Statistischer  Riickblick  auf  die  Koniglichen  Theater  zu  Berlin, 

Hannover,  Cassel  und  Wiesbaden  1867-1881;   1882-1889. 

Berlin  (Druck  von  A.  W.  Hayns  Erben). 
Steiger,  Edgar:  Das  Werden  des  neueren  Dramas.    Berlin,  1899. 
Der  Kampf  um  die  neue  Richtung.     Kritische  Beitrage 

zur  Geschichte  der  zeitgenossischen  deutschen  Literatur. 

2.  Aufl.     Leipzig  (introduction  dated  1889). 
Stern,  Adolf:  Zur  Literatur  der  Gegenwart.     Leipzig,  1880. 
Studien  zur  Literatur  der  Gegenwart.     3.  vermehrte  und 

neu  bearbeitete  Aufl.     Dresden  und  Leipzig,  1905. 
Sternberg,   Kurt:    Gerhart  Hauptmann.     Der  Entwicklungs- 

gang  seiner  Dichtungen.     Berlin,  1910. 
Theatergeschichtliche  Forschungen.     Hrsg.  von  Berthold  Litz- 

mann.    Bd.  6,  Gesammelte  Aufsatze  zur  Biihnengeschichte. 

Hamburg  und  Leipzig,  1893. 
Thomas,  Calvin :  The  Life  and  Works  of  Schiller.     New  York, 

1902. 

A  History  of  German  Literature.     New  York,  1909. 

Tieck,  Ludwig:   Deutsches  Theater.     2  Bde.     BerHn,  1817. 
Dramaturgische    Blatter.     Zum    erstenmale    vollstandig 

gesammelt.     Leipzig,  1848. 
Volkelt,  Johannes:  Asthetik  des  Tragischen.     Munchen,  1897. 


187 

Weitbrecht,   Carl:    Das  deutsche  Drama.     Grlindziige  seiner 

Asthetik.     Berlin,  1900. 
Werder,  Carl:  Vorlesungen  liber  Shakespeares  Hamlet.     Berlin, 

1875. 
Wildenbruch,  Ernst  von:  Das  deutsche  Drama.     Seine  Entwick- 

lung  und  sein  gegenwartiger  Stand.     Leipzig,  1906. 
Witkowski,    Georg:     Das   deutsche   Drama   des   neunzehnten 

Jahrhunderts  in  seiner  Entwicklung  dargestellt.     Leipzig, 

1910. 
Aristoteles  und  Shakespeare  in  Lessings  Hamburgischer 

Dramaturgie.     Euphorion,  Bd.  2,  1895. 
Woodbridge,  Elizabeth:  The  Drama.     Its  Law  and  Technique. 

Boston,  1898. 
Worsfold,  W.  B.:  Principles  of  Criticism.     London,  1897. 
Zabel,    Eugen:     Zur    modernen    Dramaturgie.     Studien    und 

Kritiken  iiber  das  auslandische  Theater.     3.  Aufl.     Olden- 
burg und  Leipzig,  1905. 
Zola,  fimile:    Le  naturalisme  au  theatre.     Troisieme  edition. 

Paris,  1881. 

The  plays  read  for  an  estimate  of  Fontanels  criticism  are  listed  in 
the  Index  under  the  following  names:  Auerbach,  von  Bauern- 
feld.  Beer,  Benedix,  Birch-Pfeiffer,  Bjornson,  Brachvogel, 
Byron,  Calderon,  Dumas,  Eckstein,  Erckmann-Chatrian, 
Fitger,  Freytag,  Geibel,  Gensichen,  Goethe,  von  Gottschall, 
Grillparzer,  Gutzkow,  Halm,  Hauptmann,  Hebbel,  Heyse, 
von  Hillern,  Holz  und  Schlaf,  Ibsen,  Iffland,  von  Kleist, 
Koberstein,  Kotzebue,  Kruse,  Laube,  Lessing,  Lindau, 
Lindner,  Ludwig,  Massinger,  Moliere,  von  Mosenthal,  von 
Moser,  Philippi,  Raimund,  Schiller,  Scribe,  Shakespere, 
Sophocles,  Spielhagen,  Sudermann,  Tolstoi,  Voss,  Wichert, 
Wilbrandt,  von  Wildenbruch. 

[Koberstein's  "  Um  Nancy  "  and  Gensichen's  "  Euphrosyne  "  I  could  not 
obtain;  likewise  the  one  play  each  by  Birch-Pfeiflfer  and  von  Hillern  to 
which  reference  is  made,  "  Auf  dem  Oberhof  "  and  "  Die  Geierwally,"  re- 
spectively; the  last  two  I  have  read  in  the  narrative  form  upon  which  the 
plays  are  based.] 


188 

The  Following  Special  Editions  Were  Used: 

Bjornson,  Bjornstjerne:  Svava.  Schauspiel  in  4  Akten.  Fiir 
die  deutsche  Biihne  bearbeitet  von  Emil  Jonas.  Berlin, 
1888. 

A  Gauntlet  (Norwegian  Drama  En  Hanske,  translated 

into  English  by  Osman  Edwards).  London,  1894  (The 
Introduction  to  this  translation  contains  variant  readings 
from  the  first  version  of  1883  and  the  second  version  of 
1887). 

Schiller :  Kabale  und  Liebe.  Edited  by  Wm.  Addison  Hervey. 
New  York,  191 2. 

Shakespere:  Die  weisse  Rose.  2.  Halfte  des  Historiencyclus 
von  Shakespere,  fiir  die  deutsche  Biihne  frei  bearbeitet. 
Franz  Dingelstedts  sammtliche  Werke.  Bd.  12,  Berlin, 
1877. 

Ein    Wintermarchen.     Schauspiel    in    4    AufzUgen    von 

Shakespeare,  fiir  die  deutsche  Biihne  neu  iibersetzt  und 
bearbeitet  von  Franz  Dingelstedt.     Berlin,  1859. 

W.     Shakespeares    dramatische    Werke,    iibersetzt    von 

August  Wilhelm  von  Schlegel  und  Ludwig  Tieck.  Im 
Auftrag  der  deutschen  Shakespeare  Gesellschaft  herausge- 
geben  und  mit  Einleitungen  versehen  von  Wilhelm 
Oechelhauser.  3.  Aufl.  Stuttgart,  Leipzig,  Berlin,  Wien 
(no  date). 

Variorum  Shakespeare.  Edited  by  Horace  H.  Furness.  London 
and  Philadelphia.  (Hamlet,  Macbeth,  Richard  III, 
King  Lear.) 


INDEX 

Many  geographical  names  and  some  others,  especially  those  mentioned 
in  quotations  from  Fontane  without  significance,  are  excluded  from  this  index. 
Reference  to  a  literary  work  indicates  either  mention  ^  the  title  or  treatment 
of  some  phase  of  the  work.  "Q"  indicates  treatment  or  mention  in  a  quota- 
tion from  Fontane  either  with  or  without  reference  on  the  same  page  to  the 
main  text;  such  reference  to  excerpts  is  omitted  usually  under  the  index  head, 
Theodor  Fontane.  The  arrangement  of  subheads  is  alphabetical  except 
under  Theodor  Fontane.  The  titles  of  works  by  authors  treated  in  the  text 
are  entered  only  under  the  names  of  the  respective  authors.] 


Academy  of  Art,  The  Royal  (or 
Akademie  der  Kunste),  13,  18,  19, 
33,  170. 

Alberti,  Conrad.     Cf.  Sittenfeld. 

Alexis,  Willibald,  2  n.q. 

Allgemeiner  Vereinfiir  deutsche  Liter a- 
tur,  36  f. 

Anzengruber,  Ludwig,  47  q. 

Aristotle,  36,  161. 

Arnim,  Achim  v.,  2  n.q. 
Die  Kronenwdchter ,  2  n.q. 
Von  Volksliedern,  2  n.q. 

A  Sentimental  Journey,  2  n.q. 

Auerbach,  Berthold. 

Das  erlosende  Wort,  106. 

Austro-Prussian  War,  book  on  the,  by 
Fontane,  3.  Cf.  Fontane,  Der 
deutsche  Krieg  von  1866. 

Bauernfeld,  Eduard  v.,  14  n.,  60  n. 

Der  kategorische  Imperativ. 

Die  Bekenntnisse. 
Beck,  Casar,  as  Karl  Moor,  152. 
Beer,  Michael. 

Struensee,  17  q.,  129. 
Belle-Alliance  Theater,  Berlin,  47  n. 


Benedix,  Roderich,   14  n.,  58,  60  n., 
62/.,  6s  q.,  70,  133,  135. 
Der  Storenfried,  67,  68  q. 
Gegenuher,  66  q.  and  n.,  67  q. 

Berlin,  criticism,  43;  Fontane's  feel- 
ing for  it  or  his  interests  there, 
5,11,  25q.,  38q.,  41,  so,  68n.q., 
69,  131,  147,  151;  French  actors 
in  Berlin,  76;  stage,  cf.  The 
Royal  Stage,  Residenz  Theater, 
and  Deutsches  Theater;  the  Uni- 
versity, cf.  Fontane. 

Berliner  Fremdenblatt,  28  q. 

Berliner  Tagehlatt  (or  Tagehlatt),  28  q., 
29  q. 

Berndal,  Gustav,  17,  98. 

Beutner,  Dr.  (editor  of  the  Kreuz- 
zeitung),  18  n.,  19  n.q. 

Birch-Pfeiffer,  Charlotte,  14  n.,  60  n., 
61. 
Auf  dent  Oberhof,  20,  106  n. 

Bismarck,  28  q. 

Bjornson,  Bjornstjerne, 
A  Gauntlet,  34,  144  and  n.,  145  and 
n.,  146. 

Bleibtreu,  Karl,  47,  50. 


190 


Blomberg,  Hugo  v.,  23  n.q. 

Blumenthal,  Oscar,  29  q.  and  n.,  46. 

Brachvogel,  Albert  E.,  20  n.q. 
Narziss,  14  n.,  52,  58  n.,  60,  95. 

Brahm,  Otto,  3,  16  n.,  17  q.,  28  q., 
36,  37  n.,  43-48,  50-52,  69,  124, 
141  n.,  156. 

Brandenburg  Traveler.    Cf.  Fontane, 
Wanderungen. 

Bruckmann,  Friedrich,  34. 

Bunsen,  C.  R.  v.  (Prussian  ambassa- 
dor to  England),  37. 

Biirger,  Gottfried  A.,  132  q.,  148. 

Burger,  Hugo  (pseudonym),  28  q. 
Cf.  Lubliner. 

Byron. 
Manfred,  14  n.,  92. 

Calderon,  14  n. 

Life  a  Dream,  27,  123  and  n.,  130  n. 
Cambridge,  5,37. 
Chevy-Chase,  148.    Cf.  also  Fontane, 

poems. 
Conrad  (actor),  as  v.  Kalb,  99. 
Conrad,  Paula,  25  q. 

Danish  War,  book  on  the,  by  Fontane, 
3.  Cf.  Fontane,  Der  Schleswig- 
Holsteinische  Krieg  im  Jahre 
1864;  peasant-kingdom,  119. 

Decker,  Rudolf  v.  (publisher),  12  n. 

Dehnicke  (actor),  as  v.  Kalb,  99. 

Der  Tunnel  iiber  der  Spree,  friends  of 
Fontane  in  the  Tunnel,  40; 
Fontane's  contributions  to  the 
programs,  24  n.,  29,  30,  32  n. 

Deutsche  Rundschau,  148  n. 

Deutsches   Kunstblatt,  7  n.q. 

Deutsches  Theater,  17  q.,  47  n.,  52, 
93- 

Devrient,  Eduard,  31. 

Devrient,  Emil,  as  Richard  II,  90. 

Diamond  Necklace,  48  n. 

Die  Zeit,  3,  151. 

Dingelstedt,  Franz,  75  and  n.,  76 
and  n.,  77  and  n.,  78  q.  and  n. 


Dore,  Gustav,  67  q. 

Doring,   Theodor,   61  n.,   94,    115  n. 

(as  Falstaff). 
Douglas,  Archibald,  147  q. 
Dresden,  45. 
Dresdner  Zeitung,  18. 
Dumas,  Alexandre,  p6re,  67  q. 
Mademoiselle  de  Belle-Isle,  90. 

Eckstein,  Ernst. 
Ein  Pessimist,  117. 

Eggers,  Friedrich,  7  n. 

Eggers,  Karl,  28  q. 

Ellora,  23  n.q.,  24  n.q. 

Engel,  Eduard,  108. 

England,  or  English  (miscellaneous), 
37,  68  n.q.;  correspondence  of 
Fontane,  3,  6,  31  n.q.,  109,  cf. 
also  London,  letters  on  the  stage, 
and  Fontane,  Die  Londoner  Thea- 
ter; life  of  Fontane  in  London,  5, 
II  and  n.,  18  q.,  24;  presentation 
of  Shakspere  (general) ,  8, 10, 1 1  q., 
81,  85,  cf.  also  Shakspere,  the  va- 
rious plays. 

Erckmann-Chatrian. 
Die  Rantzau,  14  n.,  114,  133^  159  n. 

Erhardt,  Luise,  50  q. 

Ernst,  Otto.     Cf.  Schmidt. 

European,  155. 

Ferrand,  23  n.q. 

Fitger,  Arthur. 

Von  Gottes  Gnaden,  124  n. 

Fontane,  Emilie  Labry,  mother  of 
Theodor  Fontane,  9  q.,  18. 

Fontane,  Emilie  Rouanet-Kummer, 
wife  of  Theodor  Fontane,  i  and 
n.,  3,  5  n.,  6  n.,  7  n.,  9  and  n., 
10  and  n.,  11  and  n.,  17,  19, 
20  n.,  22,  23  n.,  24  n.,  25,  29  q., 
30  n.,  31  n.,  33,  37  and  n.,  55, 
68  n.,  69  and  n.,  151. 

Fontane,  Friedrich,  son  of  Theodor 
Fontane,  12  n. 

Fontane,  Martha  (or Mete), 1 04 n.,  126 


191 


Fontane,  Theodor. 

His  Life:  his  training  as  an  apoth- 
ecary, lo;  desire  for  further 
cultural  study,  27,  36;  need  of 
earning  a  livelihood,  i,  32; 
independent  literary  life,  8,  39; 
marriage,  4;  illnesses,  13  n., 
14  n.;  educational  value  of  life 
in  England,  11,  cf.  England; 
experience  in  France,  12  and 
n.q.,  13  n.q.,  cf.  French;  hope 
of  secretaryship  under  King 
Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  41;  cele- 
bration of  his  seventieth  birth- 
day, 37  f.;  degree  from  the  Uni- 
versity of  Berlin,  38  and  n.,  39  n. 

Personality  and  Tastes:  tem- 
perament, I  f.,  9  and  n.,  18, 
20  f.,  23  f.,  33,  38,  49  f.,  52, 
56,  117,  150,  155  q-,  157  and 
n.,  158;  feeling  for  the  French 
Colony,  69;  loyalty  to  Germany, 
56,  64-66,  68  f.,  161;  regard  for 
novelty  and  individuality,  39, 
59,  109;  interest  in  art,  8  n., 
49  f.;  interest  in  people,  23-25, 

154. 
As  Literary  Man  and  Critic: 
his  unique  place  among  literary 
men  of  his  time,  3,  20,  31,  35, 
47;  attitude  toward  the  aca- 
demic, 10,  36-38,  48;  early 
preference  for  verse,  8f.;  early 
attitude  toward  journalistic  work, 
1,10;  fondness  for  history,  26  f., 
42,  45,  80-83,  94,  126;  his  feeling 
for  the  drama,  29-32;  his  feeling 
for  the  stage,  19,  73-75;  the 
educational  value  of  stage  criti- 
cism to  him,  33  f.,  160;  scope  of 
his  dramatic  criticism,  3  f.;  his 
own  attitude  toward  his  letters 
on  the  London  theaters,  7  f.,  11; 
his  attitude  toward  his  reports 
on  the  Royal  Stage,  12  n,,  17- 
21,  25,  27,  34;   his  evaluation  of 


his  own  ability,  9  f.,  38,  46,  49- 
52;  his  attitude  toward  adverse 
criticism,  38,  41;  his  magnanim- 
ity, 40-42,  44,  46  f.,  52  f.,  59  f., 
67,  71  f.,  157  f.;  his  severity, 
56-58,  62,  70,  71;  his  belief  in 
the  vitality  of  art,  39,  56,  103; 
his  insistence  on  realism,  62  f., 
67,  71  f.,  90,  100,  103,  106,  109, 
136,  140  f.,  146,  156,  161;  his 
insistence  upon  truth,  10,  43, 
45,  53  f.,  56-58,  64,  72,  79,  83, 
85,  93-95,  98,  100  f.,  113,  129, 
145,  150,  154,  156;  his  insistence 
upon  the  esthetic  appeal,  78-80, 
82  f.,  86-89,  93,  98  f.,  loi,  104, 
iiof.,  118,  133  f.,  138,  143, 
146-149;  his  faith  in  the  ro- 
mantic, 147  q.-i49,  162;  his 
attitude  toward  the  ideal  in 
dramatic  art,  73,  96  f.,  99,  loi, 
118,  140,  144  f.,  146  f.,  161-163. 
His  Works  (excluding  excerpts 
from  diary,  letters  and  criti- 
cisms) : 

Argo  (edited),  31  n.q. 
Autobiographic. 

Meine  Kinderjahre,  24. 
Von  Zwanzig  his  Dreissig,  24. 
Collected  feuilletons  or  criticisms. 
Aus  England,  8  n.,  75  n.,  103  q. 
Die  Londoner  Theater  (or  L.T.), 
3,  8,  10  n.,  66,  79,  86-89,  93, 
94  n.,  96.     Cf.  also  England, 
correspondence  of  Fontane, 
and  London,  stage. 
Kritische  Causerien  iiber  Thea- 
ter, 54  f.     Cf.  also  Travels. 
Deutsches      Dichter  -  Album 
(edited),  31  n.q. 
Fragmentary. 
Cromwell,  29,  30. 
Karl  Stuart,   29,   30,   ss  ^' 
Cf.  also  Translations. 
Novels. 
Cecile,  59  n. 


192 


Fontane  —  His  works  —  continued. 
Der  Stechlin,  59  n. 
Die  Poggenpuhls,  148  and  n. 
Efl  Briest,  59  n.,  148  and  n. 
Irrungen,  Wirrungen,  29  q.,  46, 

59  n. 
Vor  dem  Sturm,  3  n.,  13  n.,  26, 

5911. 
Poems   and   ballads,   30  n.,   32, 

130  n.     Cf.  translations. 

*  Chevy-Chase ^  32  n. 
Cromwells  letzte  Nacht,  30. 

*  Das  Douglas  Trauerspiel, 
32  n. 

Der  letzte  York,  32. 

Der    Tag    von    Hemmingstedt^ 

2411.,  31. 
Gorm  Grymme,  24  n. 

*  Jung    Musgrave    und     Lady 

Barnard  (Fontane's  version 
of  John  Musgrave  and  Lady 
Barnard),  32  n. 

*  Lord  Athol,  24  n.,  32  n. 
Marie  Duchatel,  32  n. 
Puritaner  Predigt,  30. 

*  Schon  Margret  und  Lord  Wil- 

liam, 32  n. 

Von    der    schonen    Rosamunde 
(baUad-cycle) ,  29. 
Separate  contributions  to  news- 
papers. 

Preussen.    Ein    Militiar-   oder 
Polizeistaat,  18  q. 
Translations. 

A  Midsummer  NighVs  Dream, 

26  n.  (unfinished). 
•  English  and  Scotch  ballads, 
29  n.  (The  poems  marked 
*  above  are  listed  in  W,  2,1 
under  Lieder  und  Balladen 
frei  nach  dem  Englischen.) 

Hamlet,  26  n.  (unfinished). 
Travels. 

Wanderungen,  3,  25,  26  n.q. 
(Rohr-Kapitel),  43,  59,  68, 
69  n.q.,  130  n. 


War  books. 
Der  deutsche  Krieg  von  1866,  3, 
12  n.q.     Cf.  Austro-Prussian 
War. 
Der  Krieg  gegen  Frankreich,  9  q. 
Der     Schleswig  -  Holsteinische 
Krieg  im  Jahre  1864,  3.     Cf. 
Danish  War. 
Forster  (regisseur),  Deutsckes  Theater, 

93  q. 
France     (or     Frankreich),     26  n.q., 

68  n.q.     Cf.  French. 
Frankfurt  a.  O.,  26  n.q. 

Free  Stage,  4,  16  q.,  34,  126  n.,  145  n., 

149. 
French,  actors  in  Berlin,  33,  52,  67  n.,  • 

69  q.;  ancestry  of  Fontane,  68, 
69,  147;  Causeries,  117;  comedy, 
65,  67  f.,  70;  dramatic  form, 
128,  140;  imitation  of  French 
by  Wildenbruch,  29  n.;  lexicon, 
31  n.q.;  society  play,  61;  trans- 
lations from  the  French,  16; 
writers  of  modern  plays,  104  f., 
133;  unity,  162. 

Frenzel,  Karl,  17  n.,  28  q.,  29  q.  and 

n.,  45  n.,  47. 
Freytag,  Gustav,  14  n.,  132. 

Die  Journalisten. 

Die  Valentine. 

Graf  Waldemar. 
Frieb,  Minona  (actress),  61  n. 
Friedlander,  Georg,  21,  22,  38,  139  n. 
Fritsch,  K.  E.  O.,  Professor,  121. 

Gainsborough,  8  n. 

Gallic,  humor,  69;  spirit,  108. 

Geibel,  Emanuel,  14  n. 

Brunhild,  132. 
Genee,  Rudolf,  77. 
Gensichen,  Otto  F.,  15  n. 

Die  Mdrchentante,  in. 

Euphrosyne,  88. 
German,  actors,  66,  92,  99  n.;    art- 
world,     IDS,     159  n.;      attitude 
toward  Shakspere,  19,  75;    bal- 


193 


lads,  13011.;  comedy,  61,  68, 
69,  120;  criticism,  43,  56,  160; 
dramaturgy,  14  and  n.,  15  and 
n.,  16,  20,  56.  59,  61,  74,  80  f., 
88,  93,  100,  loi  q.,  150;  natural- 
ism, 123  f.,  127,  142;  presenta- 
tion of  Shakspere,  8,  15  n.,  16, 
26  n.q.,  72;  triumph  at  Vionville, 
12;  types,  60,  152;  writers  of 
modern  playsy  65-67,  70,  104, 
106,  113. 

Ghirlandajo,  23  n.q. 

Girndt,  Otto,  62,  65  q. 

Goethe,  15  n.,  16,  41,  61,  65  q.,  74, 

^37,  159- 
Clavigo,  97  f. 
Egmont,  42,  83,  88  {Freudvoll  und 

leidvoll). 
Faust,  31  n.q. 
Gotz  von  Berlichingen,  91  (Adelheid), 

129,  143. 
Iphigenie,  50  q.,  140,  142. 
Palaeophron  und  Neoterpe,  73  q. 
Poems,  31  n.q.,  148  (Erlkonig). 
Schiller-Goethe  Briefwechsel,  2  n.q. 
Tasso,  140. 
Gossler,  Gustav  v.,  Prussian  Minister, 

46. 
Gottschall,  Rudolf  v.,  15  n. 
Katharina  Howard,  129. 
Pitt  und  Fox,  60. 
Greek  conception  of  retribution,  140  ff. 
Grillparzer,  Franz,  15  n.,  16,  41,  61, 
74,  135- 
Der  Traum  ein  Lehen,  27,  58,  80, 

95,  123,  130  and  n.,  148  q. 
Des  Meeres  und  der  Liebe  Wellen, 
50,  95,   122,   131   f.    (Hero    and 
Leander  story),  132  q.,  136,  140. 
Medea,  27. 
Grimm  Hermann,  38  q. 
Gubitz,  theater  critic  for  the  Vossische 

Zeitung,  12  n.q. 
Gutzkow,  Karl,  15  n. 
Ein     weisses    Blatt,    29   n.,     113, 
138. 


Uriel  Acosta,  49,  52  f.,  60,  94,  95, 
124  n.,  135,  142  n.,  143,  155. 

Hahn  (Geheimrat),  12  n.q. 
Halm,  Friedrich. 

Der  Fechter  von  Ravenna,  118. 
Hamburg,  45. 

Hart,  Heinrich  and  Julius,  147  n. 
Harz,  2  n.q. 

Hauptmann,  Gerhart,  3,  34,  50-52, 
55,  15511. 

Das  Friedensfest,  119,  141,  148  n. 

Die  versunkene  Glocke,  134. 

Die  Weber,  123  f. 

Vor  Sonnenaufgang,   46,    54,    iig, 
124-127, 131,  133,  144, 147,  157  q. 
Hebbel,  Friedrich,  15  n.,  16,  135. 

Herodes   und  Mariamne,    74,    119, 
124  n.,  133,  138,  152. 
Heine,  Heinrich,  31  n.q. 
Hertz,  Hans,  147  n.q. 
Hertz,  Wilhelm,  2,  27,  43,  57. 
Heyden,  August  v.,  13  n.q.,  14  n.q., 

19  n.q.,  25,  28  q. 
Heyse,   Paul,   15  n,,  31  n.q.    {Fremd- 
worterbuch),  41-43,  44  q.  and  n. 

Colberg,  16  n.,  140. 

Das  Recht  des  Stdrkeren,  40. 

Die  Briider,  31  n.q. 

Die  Weiber  von  Schorndorf,  57. 

Die  Weisheit  Salomos,  42,  50,  95  f., 
129, 130  n.q.,  131, 138, 157, 159  n. 

Elisabeth  Charlotte,  51  n.,  57. 

Francesca  von  Rimini,  30. 

Giacomo  Leo  par  di,  2. 

Hans  Lange,  40,  41,  113  f. 
Hillern,  Wilhelmine  von,  15  n. 

Die  Geierwally,  153,  154  q.  and  n. 
Hogarth,  8  n. 
HohenzoUern,  32  n. 
Holz,  Arno  (and  J.  Schlaf),  3,  34,  52. 

Die   Familie  Selicke,  124  n.,    128, 

147. 

Hudson,  friend  of  Fontane  in  Eng- 
land, 5  q. 

Hiilsen,  Botho  v.,  45,  47  n. 


194 


Ibsen,  3,  34,  48,  50-52,  55,   126  f., 
133,  137,  143  n.q.,  148,  157. 
A  Doll's  House,  142  n.,  155  (Nora) 

and  n.,  156  q. 
Ghosts,    16  q.,   50  f.,    124-126   and 

n.,  142,  144  f.,  146  q.,  148  n. 
Little  Eyolf,  141  and  n. 
The  Lady  from  the  Sea,  1$  n.,34n.q., 
43,  45  n.,  112  f.,  136,  144  f.,  146, 
152. 
The  Wild  Duck,  140,  145. 
Icolmskill,  86  q. 
Mand,  August  W.,  15  n. 
Der  Spieler,  71  q.,  96  q. 
Italian  (or   Italy),  folk-theater,  107, 
108  q.;  Fontane  in  Italy,  49  f.,  69. 

Kahle,    Marie    (actress),    25  q.     Cf. 

Kessler. 
Kahle,  Richard,  as  Lear,  91;  as  Rich- 
ard III,  94;  as  Tiefenbacher,  96; 
as  Questenburg,  98. 
Kean,   Charles   (or  the   Keans),   75, 

79-82  q.,  88,  90. 
Kembles,  75. 
Kessler,  Marie,  92. 
Kette,   Hermann. 

Carolina,  Brocchi,  63  n. 
Klein,  Adolf,  54. 

Kleist,  Heinrich  v.,  2  n.q,,  15  n,,  16, 
28q.,  37,  74,  107,  118. 
Das  Kdthchen  von  Heilbronn,  91. 
Der  zerbrochene  Krug,  61,  107  n. 
Die  Hermanns schlacht,  15  n.,  77  q., 

118  n.,  136. 
Prinz  Friedrich  von  Homburg,  17, 
128  f.,  131,  139. 
Kletke,  Hermann,  Dr.,  12  n.q. 
Koberstein,  Karl. 
Kbnig  Erich  XIV,  120,  129. 
Um  Nancy,  ^t„  137  n. 
Kopisch,  August  v.,  23  n.q. 
Kotzebue,  August  E.  v.,  15  n. 

Die  UnglUcklichen. 
Krause,  Wilhelm,  as  Illo,  97. 
Krausneck,  Arthur,  as  Tell,  22. 


Kreuzzeitung,    Fontane 's    connection 
with  the  paper,  7  n.q.,  18,  23  n.q., 
49.     Cf.  Preussische  Zeitung. 
Krummhiibel,  2  n.q.,  25. 
Kruse,  Heinrich. 

Marino  F alter 0,  133  n. 

Wullenwever,  118  f.,  128  n. 
Kugler,  Franz,  24  n.,  32,  166. 

Kaiser  Pertinax,  30,  31  n.q. 
Kiissner  (actress),  152. 

Landseer,  8  n. 
Languedoc,  69. 
Larochefoucauld,  108  q. 
L'Arronge,  Adolf. 

Die  Loreley,  45. 
Laube,  Heinrich,  as  director,  45  n., 
90,  92;  as  writer,  15  n.,  135. 

Die  Karlsschiiler ,  63,  93  n.,  135  n. 

Graf  Essex,  64  and  n.q.,  128,  129. 
Lazarus,  Moritz,  28  q.,  43. 
Lehnbach,  Marie,  83  q.,  92. 
Lenau,   Nikolaus,    31  n.q. 
Lepel,  Bernhard  v.,  29,  30,  31  and  n.q. 

H erodes,  32. 
Lessing,    15  n.,   31  n.q.,   36,    56,    74, 
107,  160  f. 

Emilia      Galoiti,      91      (Countess 
Orsina) . 

Minna  von  Barnhelm,   61,    107  n., 
121. 

Nathan  der  Weise,  42,  91,  122  n., 
124. 

Philotas,  121  n.,  122. 
Lewes,  George  Henry,  2>^  q. 
Lindau,  Paul,  15  n.,  43  f.,  46. 

Diana,  64,  143. 

Grdfin  Lea,  41  f.,  122  n. 

Johannestrieb,  105. 

Maria  und  Magdalena,  64. 

Tante  Therese,  64. 

Verschamte  Arbeit,  64,  113  and  n., 
114  n. 
Lindner,  Albert,  15  n. 

Brutus  und  Collatinus,  132  f.,  135 
and  n. 


195 


Literary  Bureau  of  the  Ministry  of 

the  Interior,  4. 
Literatur  Blatt,  7  n.,  8. 
London,  personal  letters  of  Fontane 
on  London,  5  q.,  7  n.q.,  37;    the 
stage,   7,    14,   23,   72,   74,   78  n., 
82,    85-90,   93,    96,     151-     Cf. 
Fontane,  Die  Londoner  Theater, 
and  England,  correspondence  of 
Fontane. 
Longfellow,  23  n.q.,  24  n.q. 

Evangeline. 
Lubke,  Wilhelm,  23  n.q.,  24  n. 
Lubliner,  Hugo,  41.     Cf.  Burger. 
Aus  einer  Grossstadt,  63. 
Die  Frau  ohne  Geist,  63. 
Gabriele,  52,  57,  63. 
Gold  und  Eisen,  63. 
Die  Modelle  des  Sheridan,  62. 
Lucae,  Richard,  13  n. 
Ludwig,  Maximilian,  37,  49,  51,  97, 

99,  100  q.,  143  n. 
Ludwig,  Otto,  41,  52,  61. 
Der   Erbforster,    15  n.,   97  q.,    119, 
141  and  n.q. 
Luther,  75. 

Mddchenschwiire,  62. 

Manchester,  8  n. 

Marcks,  A.,  director  of  a  theater  in 

Hanover,  89. 
Marlitt,  20  n.q. 
Masaccio,  23  n.q. 
Massinger,  Philip. 

The  Duke  of  Milan,  73,  120. 
Matkowsky,  Adelbert,  98,  152. 
Maximilian,  King  of  Bavaria,  41,  75  n. 
Meiningen  actors,  20,  47  n.,  79  and  n. 
Menzel,  Adolf,  23  n.q,  28  q.,  147, 
Merckel,  Henriette  v.,  32,  139  n. 
Merckel,  Wilhelm  v.,  31  n.q.,  139  n. 
Metzel,  L.,  Dr.,  i  n.q.,  6  n.q. 
Meyer,  Richard  M.,  55. 
Middle  Ages,  148. 
Milan,  68  n. 
Minding,  Julius,  23  n.q. 


Molidre,  15  n.,  162. 

Le  malade  imaginaire,  107  q. 

Le  Tar  tuff e,  108  q,,  109. 
Moricke,  Eduard,  31  n.q. 
Mosenthal,  Salomon  v.,  15  n. 

Die  S Irene,  53  q. 
Moser,   Gustav  v.,   15  n.,   16,   59  f., 
60  n.,  62. 

Reflexe,  53  q. 
Miiller  (actor),  as  Falstaff,  22,  116  n. 
Munich,  41,  45,  75  and  n.,99  n.,  159  n. 

Naples,  49. 

National  Zeitung,  17  n.,  29  q. 
Nemesis,  141  and  n. 
Nordau,  Max,  48  q.  and  n. 
Norman  architecture,  85.  86  q. 

Oberlander,  Heinrich,  as  Shallow,  115 

n.,  116  n. 
Oechelhauser,   Wilhelm,    76,   84,   89, 

115  n. 
Oxford,  s,  37. 

Paris,  seventeenth  century,  108. 

Phelps,  Samuel,  85. 

Philippi,  Felix. 
Daniela,  71. 

Philistine,  63,  135. 

Pietsch,  Ludwig,  17  q.  and  n.,  22, 
147  n.,  153  n. 

Platen,  August  v.,  31  n.q.,  138. 

Platonic,  161. 

Pniower,  Otto,  46. 

Polish,  62. 

Pomeranian  ballad,  131. 

Preussische  Zeitung  (or  Neue  Preus- 
sische  Zeitung),  3,  6,  18  n.  Cf. 
Kreuzzeitung. 

Princess  Theater,  London,  7  n., 
78  n.q.,  80. 

Prussian,  ambassador  to  England,  5; 
appeal  of  Colberg  to  Prussian 
hearts,  140;  gentry,  157 n.;  minis- 
terial press,  3;  political  interests 
in  England,  6. 


196 


Putlitz,  Gustav  v.,  15  n.,  62,  65,  67,  70. 
Zwei  Tassen,  59  q. 

Quehl,  Rhyno,  Dr.,  5- 

Raimund,  Ferdinand,  123. 

Der  Verschwender,  122. 
Residenzlheater,  Berlin,  51  q.,  125  n. 
Reynolds,  Sir  Joshua,  8  n. 
Richter,  Jean  Paul. 

Katzenbergers  Badereise,  2  n.q. 
Richter,  Ludwig,  67  q. 
Ring,  Max,  20  n.q. 
Ristori,   Adelaide,  as  Maria  Stuart, 

90,  94. 
Rittershaus,  Emil,  126. 
Rodenberg,  Julius,  2  n.q.,  12  n.q., 59  n., 

148  n. 

Rohr,  Mathilde  v.,  2,  26  n.q. 

Rokoko  architecture,  85. 

Roman,  62,  108. 

Romance  actors,  91. 

Romantic  School,  147  n. 

Ruppin,  25,  26  n.  q. 

Riitli,  a  club  to  which  Fontane  be- 
longed, 23  n.q.,  24  n.,  28  q.,  31 
n.q.,  159  n. 

Sadler's  Wells  Theater,  London,  7  n., 

75,  87  f.,  109. 
Sardou,  Victorien,  105  and  n.q. 
Nos  bons  villageois,  105  n. 
Nos  intimes. 
Scherenberg,  Christian  Friedrich,  31 

n.q.,  39- 
Scherer,  Wilhelm,  47. 
Schiller,  15  n.,  16,  30  n.q.,  52,  60  q,. 
61,   64,   68  n.q.,   74  n.,   130  n.q., 

140  q.,  159- 
Die  Braut  von  Messina,  98,  131. 
Die  Jungfrau  von  Orleans,  17  n.,  42, 

91,  142,  143,  148. 

Die  Rduber,  79  n.,  95,  143  Q-*  152 
(Karl  Moor). 
Don  Carlos,  48  q.,  142,  143  n.,  144, 
155  (Marquis  von  Posa). 


Kabale   und  Liebe,    73,   92    (Lady 
Milford),  99  (von  Kalb),  100  q., 
143  and  n.,  152  (Luise). 
Maria  Stuart,  42,   100,   129   (con- 
ception of  Queen  Elizabeth). 
Schiller-Goethe  Brief wechsel,  2  n.q. 
Verse,  140. 

Wallenstein,   91,    96  f.,   98,    119  f., 
142,  i43n.,  155.     Die  Piccolomini, 
59  n.,  98,  119  n.,   128,  136,   142 
and  n. 
Wilhelm  Tell,  11,  22,  99,  129  f.n., 
134,  140,  143  and  n.,  144  (Melch- 
thal). 
Schlaf,  Johannes.     Cf.  Holz,  Arno. 
Schlegel,  August  Wilhelm  v.,   22  n., 

149,  161  f. 
Schlenther,  Paul,  Dr.,  3,  17  n.,  21  n., 
29,  32  n.,  33  n.,  35  f.,  45  f.,  48- 
50,    sin.,    52!.,    104  n.,    123  f., 
125,  130  n.,  142,  156. 
Schmidt,  Erich,  3  n.,  38,  39  n. 
Schmidt,  Julian,  136  n. 
Schmidt,  Otto  Ernst,  55,  59  n. 
Schopenhauer,  2  n.q. 
Schreyer,  Hermann. 

Nausikaa,  50. 
Schultze,  Ernst,  24  n.q. 
Scott,  Walter,  3. 
Scribe,  Eugene,  15  n.,  67  q.,  133. 
Bataille  de  dames,  66  q.,   70,   105, 

144,  155- 

Les  contes  de  la  reine  de  Navarre,  70. 

Les  doigts  defee,  53,  70,  iii,  113  n., 
155  q.  and  n. 

Le  verre  d^eau,  70. 
Shakspere,  6,  7  and  n.q.,  31  n.q.,  32, 
48  q.  and  n.,  63,  94,  118,  128, 
i35>  ^2>1i  162.  Cf.  also  England, 
Germany,  and  Fontane,  Die 
Londoner  Theater. 

A  Midsummer  Night's  Dream,  26  n., 

79,  87. 
Antony    and    Cleopatra,    7  n.,    19, 

26,  34,  78  n. 
As  you  Like  it,  26  n.,  no. 


It7 


Coriolanus,  7  n.,  75. 

Hamlet,    7  n.q.,    11  q.,    2611.,    75, 

87  q.,  88  q.,  91,  96,  118. 
Henry  IV,    7  n.,    22,    26,    79,    87, 

115,  and  n.,  116  and  n.,  121. 
Henry  V.,  99,  115  and  n.,  116,  128. 
Henry  VI,  23,    27,   76  f.,  91,  131 

(Jack  Cade). 
Henry  VIII,  7  n.q.,  79,  80,  82  q. 
Julius  Caesar,  83. 
King  John,  66,  80,  90. 
King  Lear,  90,  95  q.,  97,  118. 
Macbeth,  7  n.,  84  q.,  85  q.,   86  q., 

87-89,  118,  123. 
Othello,  II  q.,  96. 
Richard  II,  80,  90. 
Richard  III,  7  n.q.,  23,  81,  89  f. 
Romeo  and  Juliet,  26,  75. 
The  Comedy  of  Errors,  7  n.,  109. 
The  Merchant  of  Venice,  no. 
The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor,  7  n., 

74. 
The  Tempest,  7  n.q.,  11  q.,  75. 
The  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona,  7  n., 

74  f. 
The    Winter's    Tale,    78,    86,    88, 

130  n.,  131  (Autolycus). 
Twelfth  Night,  26,  73  f.,  88,  98  n. 
(Viola),  no.. 
Sheridan,  Richard  Brinsley,  107. 
Siddons,  Sarah,  94. 
Sittenfeld  Conrad  Alberti,  46,  47  n.q., 

50. 
Soho  Theater;  London,  7  n.,  23  and 

n.q. 
Sophocles.  141. 
Antigone,  26. 

Oedipus  Coloneus,  26,  140. 
Oedipus    Rex,    25,    26  n.q.,    131  f., 
139  ff.,  142. 
Spielhagen,  Friedrich,  15  n.,  142  n. 

Liebe  fiir  Liebe,  29  n.,  119. 

Stage,    The    Royal    (or   The   Royal 

Theater),    Berlin,    condition    of 

the    stage,    20,  45  f.,  47  n.,   70, 

73  f.,    79  and  n.,    81  q.,   82  q.. 


85  q.,  88  q.,  89,  90  f.,  105,  150; 
repertoire,  14  n.,  15  n.,  16,  27, 
60  n.;  reports  of  Fontane  on  the 
stage,  3,  II,  12  and  n.q.,  13  and 
n.q.;  33  n.,  50,  53,  58,  60,  151. 

Stephany,    Friedrich,     21  n.,    126  f., 
137  n.,  149,  155  n.,  157. 

Stolberg,  Leopoldine,  64  n. 

Storm-and-Stress,  142. 

Storm,  Theodor,  9  n.,  27,  31  n.q. 

Strachwitz,  Moritz  Graf. 
Das  Herz  von  Douglas,  148. 

Stuart,  Mary,  86  q.,  90,  147  q. 

Sudermann,  Hermann,  104  n.q. 
Fritzchen,  104. 

Tadema,  Alma,  153. 
Thale,  2  n.q. 
Theater.     Cf.  Stage. 
Thiiringen,  2  n.q. 
Tieck,  Ludwig,  36,  162. 
Tolstoi,  148. 

The  Power  of  Darkness,  139,  147. 
Topfer,  Carl,  15  n. 
Tristram  Shandy,  2  n.q. 
Turgenef,  Ivan,  147  f. 

Natalie,  15  n. 
Turner  (artist),  8  n. 

Ulrich,  Christian,  97. 

Versailles,  58  q.,  108. 
Vienna,  45,  48. 
Vionville,  12. 
Voss,  Richard,  15  n.,  159  n. 

Brigitta,  16  q.,  148  n. 

Der  Mohr  des  Zaren,  158  and  n. 
Vossische  Zeitung,  3,  10  q.,  12  n.,  34, 
125  n.  (Vossin),  152. 

Wegmann,  Carl,  29  n.,  32  n. 
Weimar,  38,  58  q.,  99  and  n.  (School 

of  Actors). 
Weiss,  Guido,  156. 
Wereschtschagin,  Wassili,  43. 
West,  Benjamin,  8  n. 


198 


Wichert,  Ernst,  15  n. 

Der  Freund  des  Fiirsten,  71,  122. 
Die  Realisten,  39  q.,  70. 
Ein  Schritt  vom  Wege,  70,  147  n. 
Wilbrandt,  Adolf,  15  n.,  62,  133. 
Der  Graf  von  Hammer  stein,  64  n. 
Die  Maler,  64,  no. 
Jugendliebe,  65  q.,  114. 
Kriemhild,  64  n.q. 
Translation  of  Oedipus  Rex,  131  n. 
Wildenbruch,  Ernst  von,   15  n.,   28, 

29  n.,  71. 
Christoph  Marlowe,  97,  138. 
Der  Fiirst  von  Verona,  121. 
Die  Karolinger,  97  n.,  106  n.,  130  n., 

138. 
Die  Quitzows,  34  and  n.q.,   72  q., 

130  and  n.,  131,  136  f. 
Harold,     28  q.,    97  n.,     120,     133, 

134  n.,  154. 
Opfer  um  Opfer,  28  q.,  29  q. 


Wilkie,  David,  8  n. 

Wilmowski  (Geheimrat  v.),  12  n.q. 

Witte,  Friedrich,  4,  32. 

Wolff,  Julius. 

Tannhauser,  28  q. 
Wolfsohn,   Wilhelm,   4  f.,    lo,    13  n., 
18,  29,  30. 

Herr  von  tausend  Seelen,  31. 

Nur  eine  Sede,  31  n. 
Wolsey,  the  dramatic  element  in  his 

story,  81. 
Wolzogen,  Ernst  von,  148  n. 
Wiinzer  (actor),  57  q. 

Ziegler,  Clara,  40. 
Zola,  Emile,  148. 
Zollner,  Emilie,  147  n. 
ZoUner,  Karl,  13  n.,  28  q.,  49  f. 


VITA 

Bertha  Eleanor  Trebein,  daughter  of  Frederick  Chris- 
tian and  Joan  Trebein,  was  born  at  Trebein's,  Greene  County, 
Ohio,  October  6,  1874.  After  training  in  the  public  schools 
of  Ohio  she  was  graduated  from  Dana  Hall  School,  Wellesley, 
Mass.,  in  1893,  and  received  the  degree  of  A.B.  from  Wellesley 
College  in  1897.  She  was  an  assistant  in  English  Composi- 
tion and  Literature  and  in  elementary  German  in  Ursinus 
College,  with  work  in  English  also  in  Ursinus  Academy,  1898- 
1900.  After  the  death  of  her  father  in  June,  1900,  she  devoted 
herself  temporarily  to  business  interests.  From  September, 
1904,  to  April,  1906,  she  was  a  student  in  Germanic  Literature 
and  Philology  at  the  University  of  Berlin.  She  received  the 
degree  of  A.M.  in  German  on  examination  at  Wellesley  College, 
June,  1906,  submitting  a  Master's  essay  on  ^^ Schiller s  Auff as- 
sung  des  Tragischen  mit  Bezugnahme  auf  seine  Dramen.^'  After 
a  year  of  resident  study  in  the  Department  of  Germanic  Lan- 
guages and  Literatures  of  Columbia  University  she  acted  as 
Professor  of  German  at  Agnes  Scott  College,  1907-1912. 
After  absence  from  this  position  for  resident  study  at 
Columbia  University,  1912-1913,  and  for  research  work  in 
Germany,  October,  1913-July,  1914,  she  resumed  this  position, 
which  she  still  holds. 


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